Let us face hard facts. A long effort is required of all of us before an effective rule of law is established in world affairs. We in China know it by bitter experience. The rule of law was to have been defended by the old League of Nations; but it was disregarded, as we learned to our cost, despite the most solemn covenants entered into by would-be defaulters.

Why did collective security under the League finally fail to the point that none of the belligerents who were permanent members of the League's Council invoked the Covenant at the outbreak of this terrible war? Because much of the real power in the world was not present in the League. The United States was not a member; the Soviet Union's voice was not always heeded; and China was only occasionally represented on its Council; while Japan, Italy, and Germany were allowed simply to resign after committing acts of aggression with complete impunity.

Today it is different. Today victory is the result of the cumulative efforts of collective security in action. Germany and Japan are to be kept powerless to do harm. The United States and the Soviet Union are now among the chief artisans of the new international order, and their overwhelming strength will be joined with that of the other powers to back it. Its authority will be upheld by all the powerful nations of our day.

To insure the fulfillment of our aims for effective international organization we must lose no time. We must not leave this Conference without having arranged for the setting up of a new international organization.

The Council will have to deal with security arrangements as varied as the requirements of the situations to be met. There will be problems of what security forces

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are to be maintained, of man power, of industrial organization, of military equipment, of security bases under the aegis of the United Nations, and also vital problems of economic recovery and development on which the life of every nation depends.

If there is any message that my country, which has been one of the principal victims of aggression and the earliest victim, wishes to give to this Conference, it is that we must not hesitate to delegate a part of our sovereignty to the new International Organization in the interests of collective security. We must all be ready to make some sacrifices in order to achieve our common purpose. Among nations, no less than among individuals, we must forthwith accept the concept of liberty under law.

We of the Chinese delegation come from a part of the world with teeming populations whom the cataclysm of this war has stirred to the very depths of their souls. They have witnessed the rise and fall of mighty empires; they have gauged, by the precepts of their own philosophies, the depth of villainies perpetrated by the exponents of brute force, and they have appreciated fully the majestic surge of the power of free men joined in comradeship; and they now strive ardently to attain the common goal of human liberty within a commonwealth of free people.

MR. STETTINIUS: The Chair now recognizes His Excellency, Mr. V. M. Molotov, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

(Address by Mr. Molotov in the Russian language.) MR. STETTINIUS: Mr. Molotov's address will now be translated in English by Mr. Pavlov.

MR. MOLOTOV (through interpreter): Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: On instructions of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, I should like at the very beginning of my speech that I am making on behalf of the Soviet delegation at this historic Conference, to express my deep gratitude to the Government of the United States of America, and to Secretary of State Mr. Stettinius personally, for the immense amount of work of preparation carried out by them prior to this Conference, and also for the excellent organization of the Conference of the United Nations. At the same time, I should like to seize this opportunity to express on behalf of the Soviet delegation my most sincere gratitude to Mr. Lapham, Mayor of San Francisco, for the cordial hospitality extended to my delegation in San Francisco.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the Soviet Government attaches a great importance to the international conference in San Francisco.

The end of the war has drawn near, at least in Europe. The rout of Hitler-Germany, the principal aggressor in this war, has become a fact. The time has come to take care of the postwar period of the future. This Conference is called upon to consider the question of setting up an organization to protect the general peace and security of nations after the war. This clearly shows how great is the responsibility resting upon this Conference.

Today as well as on many other occasions. we must remember the great name of President Franklin Roosevelt. His services in this struggle for the achievement of a

lasting peace, and in the preparation of this historic Con ference, have met with a wide recognition among all the peace-loving nations. The second World War by far exceeded the first World War in the magnitude of military operations and the size of the armies involved, and in lives lost, as well as in the unusually severe consequences for the life of many peoples.

Hitler-Germany which started this war did not shrink from any crimes in trying to impose her domination in Europe and to pave the way to the world domination of German imperialism. Mass murders of children, women, and old men, the extermination of nations in their entirety, the wholesale destruction of peaceful citizens who were not to the liking of Fascists, the barbaric destruction of culture and of recalcitrant men, prominent in culture, the destruction of many thousands of towns and villages, the dislocation of economic life of nations, and incalculable losses, all this cannot be forgotten.

In the past German Fascism not only openly prepared its armies and armaments for a piratic attack on peaceful countries, but Hitlerism cynically adjusted the ideology of many millions of people in its country for the purposes of achieving domination of a foreign nation.

This purpose was also served by the illiterate misanthropic theories on the German master race, in whose services foreign nations were supposed to be. Long before the direct attack on its neighbors, Hitlerism openly prepared for a criminal war, which started at the moment of its own choosing.

As it is well known, Hitlerism found unscrupulous

henchmen and sanguinary accomplices. It is also well known that when German Fascism, which had made an easy tour of all Europe, invaded the Soviet Union, it faced an unflinching adversary.

The country of Soviets, which has saved the European civilization in bloody battles with German Fascism, with good reason reminds now the governments of their responsibility for the future of peace-loving nations after the termination of this war. This is all the more necessary to do, that before this war the warning voice of the Soviet Republic was not heard with due attention. This is no time to explain at length why this happened. It cannot be proved that there was no desire to prevent the war. It has been fully proved, however, that the governments which claimed once the leading part in Europe manifested their inability if not reluctance to prevent the war, with the consequences of which it will be not so easy to cope.

The Conference is called upon to lay the foundations for the future security of nations. It is a great problem which it has been, thus far, impossible to solve successfully. Anybody knows that the League of Nations in no way coped with these problems; it betrayed the hopes of those who believed in it. It is obvious that no one wishes to restore the League of Nations with no rights and powers which did not interfere with any aggressor preparing for war against peace-loving nations, and which sometimes even lulled outright the nations' vigilance with regard to impending aggression. The prestige of the League of Nations was especially undermined whenever unceremonious attempts were made to turn it into a tool of various reactionary forces and privileged powers.

If the sad lessons of the League of Nations have to be mentioned now, it is only in order that past errors may be avoided which must not be committed under the sign of new and profuse promises. It is impossible, however, to count indefinitely on the patience of nations if the governments manifest their inability to set up an international organization protecting the peaceful lives of peoples, their families, their young generations, against the horrors and hardships of new, piratic, imperialist wars.

The Soviet Government are a sincere and a firm champion of the establishment of a strong international organization of security. Whatever may depend upon them and their efforts in their common cause of the creation of such a postwar organization of peace and security of nations will be readily done by the Soviet Government.

We will fully co-operate in the solution of this great problem with all the other governments genuinely devoted to this noble cause. We are confident that this historic aim will be achieved by joint efforts of peace-loving nations in spite of all the obstacles in the way of this achievement.

This work which was carried out at Dumbarton Oaks last year and which is well known to all of us—is an important contribution to this cause. Representatives of the United States of America, Great Britain, China, and the Soviet Union, worked out there such principles of the international security organization as will constitute an important basis for the international organization of a new type.

Quite recently, at the suggestion of the late great President Franklin Roosevelt, the Crimean Conference made important supplements to this draft. As a result, this Conference has a sound basis for successful work, naturally, that the new organization of international security will be built upon the foundation laid by the United Nations in this war.

It is well known that in Europe in the straining struggle against the common enemy, a great coalition of democratic powers was formed. The formation of AngloSoviet-American coalition insured the rout of German

Fascism and its henchmen. The other nations of Europe, led by this coalition, have been fighting for their liberation. The coalition of great powers, with their inflexible will to defend their national interests and to promote the liberation of all the other nations which fell victim to sanguinary aggression, is consummating the task of defeating the enemy of all the United Nations. This coalition would accomplish it because it was conscious of its historic mission and because it possessed immense man power and material resources which were invariably used in the interests of the struggle against the enemy.

But we must always bear in mind that prestige acquired is easily wasted. If we forget certain elementary things, such as the lessons of the League of Nations, all the lessons of this war in which the democratic nations rallied against an imperialist power-which considered itself master of Europe and which intended to impose its will-will lie on the whole world. This coalition was forged in the fire of struggle and rendered a great service to the cause of the United Nations. It must be admitted that the presence in this coalition of such a country as the Soviet Union, where relations between great and small nations are based on equality and true democracy, is of extremely great importance.

On the other hand, it is impossible to overrate the active part played in this coalition by the United States of America, which formerly remained aloof from the problems of international organization and which is now devoting to this cause its initiative and enormous international prestige.

This coalition would have been nearly impossible without Great Britain, which holds an important place in the international association of democratic countries. China in Asia and France in Europe are the great nations which strengthened this coalition as a powerful world factor in the postwar period as well.

If the leading democratic countries show their ability to act in harmony in the postwar period as well that will mean that the interests of peace and security of nations have received at last a firm basis and protection. But that is not all. The point at issue is whether other peaceloving nations are willing to rally around these leading powers to create an effective international security organization, and this has to be settled at this Conference in the interests of the future peace and security of nations.

An international organization must be created having certain powers to safeguard the interests of the general peace. This organization must have the necessary means for military protection of the security of nations.

Only if conditions are created such as will guarantee that no violation of the peace or the threat of such a violation shall go unpunished, and the adoption of necessary punitive measures is not too late, will the organization of security be able to discharge its responsibility for the cause of peace. Thus, the point at issue is the creation of an effective organization to protect the general peace and security of nations for which all the sincere partisans of the peaceful development of nations have long been yearning but which has always had numerous irreconcilable enemies in the camp of the most aggressive imperialists. After innumerable sacrifices borne in this war and after suffering and hardships experienced in these past years, the urge of nations for the establishment of such an organization is especially strong.

The opponents of the creation of such an international organization have not laid down their arms. They are carrying on their subversive activities even now, though in most cases they are doing it in a latent and veiled form. For these purposes they frequently use ostensibly the most democratic watchwords and arguments, including the professed protection of the interests of small na

tions or of the principles of the equity and equality of nations. But in the end it is not important what reasons of protection have been used to disrupt the establishment of an effective organization of the security of nations.

If even now no such an effective organization is created to protect the postwar peace, this will be another indication of the inability to cope with these great problems by means of the forces available. But that will not prove that the necessity for such an organization has not yet arisen and that such an organization will not be set up ultimately.

We must not minimize the difficulties involved in the establishment of the international security organization. With our eyes closed we shall not be able to find the road. We must warn of these difficulties in order to overcome them and, avoiding illusions, to find at least a reliable road to march along toward the achievement of the noble objectives.

As far as the Soviet Union is concerned, I should like to assure the Conference at this time that in our country the whole people are brought up in the spirit of faith and devotion to the cause of setting up a solid organization of international security.

I should like also to assure the Conference that the Soviet people will readily heed the voice, wishes, and suggestions of all the sincere friends of this great cause among the nations of the world.

You know that there are millions of people in the So

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viet Union who know how to defend to the last with arms in hand their Motherland. At the same time, it is especially in our country of the Soviet that the people are devoted with all their hearts to the cause of the establishment of a durable general peace and are willing to support with all their forces the efforts of other nations to create a reliable organization of peace and security.

I wish you to know that the Soviet Union can be relied upon in the matter of safeguarding the peace and security of nations. Our peaceful people, the Soviet Government, the Red Army, and our great Marshal Stalin are inflexibly supporting this great cause. It is the most important task of the delegation of the Soviet Government to express the sentiments and thoughts of the Soviet people.

I conclude my speech by expressing the heartfelt wishes for our joint success in the work of the Conference.

(Translation of Mr. Molotov's speech into French.) MR. STETTINIUS: My friend, may I interrupt just one moment to say that after Mr. Molotov's speech is translated into French, Mr. Anthony Eden will speak. I beg your pardon.

(Translation of Mr. Molotov's speech into French.) MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, the Chair now recognizes the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the chairman of the delegation of the United Kingdom, Mr. Anthony Eden.

MR. EDEN: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: No more suitable setting could have been found anywhere for this assembly than the splendid city of San Francisco, one of the main centers of the United Nations war effort-San Francisco, whose confidence in the future is only equalled by its sense of comradeship today. Our deep gratitude, Sir, is due to the city itself and to the whole State of California, which with traditional hospitality has opened its gates to us, and also to the Government and the people of the United States who in a wider sense are our hosts at this momentous function. We thank you, Sir, and through you all those who have helped to organize this Conference, for the labor which they have given so generously in the

common cause.

Sir, we are met here in the shadow of a grievous loss. No one can speak in this assembly without recalling Franklin Roosevelt, the friend of free people, the good neighbor. He looked forward to continuing in peace that close association of the free nations which has brought us to the very edge of victory and from which the meeting today has sprung. It was he who named them the United Nations and we shall best honor his memory by proving ourselves worthy of that proud title.

Sir, let us be clear about the purposes of this Conference. We are not here to draft the terms of a treaty of peace. We are met to agree to set up a world organization which will help to keep the peace when the victory is finally won as it will be over both Germany and Japan.

There have been moments in history when mankind has tried by the creation of some international machinery to solve disputes between nations by agreements and not by force. Hitherto, Sir, all these endeavors have failed. Yet no one here doubts that despite these earlier failures a

further attempt must be made and this time we must succeed.

All the causes, and there were many, which made some form of international machinery desirable after the last war make it indispensable today. In the last hundred years, and especially in the last twenty-five years, the discoveries of science have served to enrich and sometimes to endanger the world but above all to contract it. We have entered an age, and we would do well to remember it, when no national barrier, whether mountain or ocean, can guarantee security against the new weapons which science has placed at the disposal of mankind.

This hard fact is now biting deeply into the consciousness of all peoples, and they are, as I believe, ready to accept its implications and to shoulder the responsibilities which it imposes. Therein, Ladies and Gentlemen, lies the main difference between today and the lost opportunities at the end of the last world war. Today this fact is patent to all. No one will dispute it.

Whether we will or not, we are all now one another's neighbors. San Francisco is as close to Berlin or to Tokyo now as New York was to Washington a hundred years ago. The world of today is one large city, and our countries are its several parishes. We are the citizens. Either together we must find some means of ordering our relations with justice and fair-dealing, while allowing nations great and small full opportunity to develop their free and independent life either we must do that—or we shall soon head for another world conflict which this time must bring utter destruction of civilization in its trail.

Ladies and Gentlemen, it is no exaggeration to say that the work which we are starting on here in this meeting may be the world's last chance. That is why the governments of the four countries who sponsored the invitation

to this Conference asked their representatives to meet together and to work out Proposals which might later form the basis of an international agreement. They did so at Dumbarton Oaks. Their work was examined and was completed in the Crimea. The final outcome is now before you, and now, Sir, there are one or two brief observations about these Proposals which I would make. In the first place, these Proposals admittedly constitute a compromise. In the second place, they do not constitute an attempt by the four powers to dictate to the rest of the world what form the future world Organization should take. They are suggestions which we present to you-which unitedly we present to you for your consideration. Nor, Sir, are they intended to stand unchanged until the end of time. For our part, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom are prepared to accept and endorse them, to do their best to give them life because we believe that they can form a basis for a future world organization which will help to provide us with that security which is today mankind's greatest need. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, security is not itself a final end. It is indispensable if we are to make true freedom possible; not otherwise can we hope to realize a world in which justice for nations as well as for individuals can prevail.

But, Ladies and Gentlemen, this security cannot be created in a day nor by any documents, however admirable. It must be the product of time and of constant effort, of learning to work together, of practicing and upholding accepted standards of international conduct.

The important thing is to begin now. Now here, Sir, let me sound a note of warning and make a suggestion. Let me say how emphatically I agree with your words of a short while ago. Let us not at this session attempt too much. We cannot hope here to produce a complete scheme, perfect in all its elaborate details, for the future ordering of the world under all possible circumstances. I am persuaded on the contrary that we shall be wise to set ourselves a goal more within the compass of our immediate possibilities. We shall have taken the indispensable first step. If we can now draw up a charter within the framework of our principles, the details can then be left to be filled in in the light of experience.

Well I know that what I have said just now is essentially an Anglo-Saxon conception, and I am conscious that there are others here and that therefore this conception may be challenged by others; but, Sir, I am convinced that in this particular case it is right, and I will claim that its merit is capable of proof by reference to historical facts.

Now, Sir, let me make a brief reference to the Proposals themselves. They impose obligations equally on all of us, on every power here represented. But I am conscious that a special responsibility lies on great powers in these days when industrial potential is so decisive a factor in military struggle.

Now, Sir, great powers can make a two-fold contribution. They can make it by their support of this Organization. They can make it also by setting themselves certain standards in international conduct and by observing those standards scrupulously in all their dealings with other countries.

Sir, the greater the power any state commands, the heavier its responsibility to wield its power with consid

eration for others and with restraint upon its own selfish impulses.

What was the most sinister feature of the years which immediately preceded the present struggle? It was, I submit to you, the deliberate debasement of international conduct in which Germany, Italy, and Japan engaged to further their own selfish plan. It was the practice of these powers, not only persistently to violate their engagements, but to use new engagements which they so readily undertook after each aggression as a cloak to cover their next triumph. That was the technique. And what was the result? There came a time when the outraged forces of civilization had to call a halt to these practices, and so inevitably the world was plunged into another war.

Great powers have a special responsibility to guard against the recurrence of such practices. So I have laid emphasis on the provision of international machinery for the settlement of political disputes. But of equal importance with this is the solution of economic problems which if untended can themselves sow the seeds of future war. This will be the task of the Economic and Social Council which finds its place in the Proposals now before you. It is our duty to insure that this Council shall be well adapted to play its full part in our new structure of peace.

Here then, Sir, are our two immediate tasks, political and economic. Let us press them vigorously to a conclusion. World events of unprecedented magnitude, both in the East and in the West, crowd upon us at every hour. If we order our labors efficiently, if we work to the utmost of our strength, it should surely be possible for us to agree on our Charter within four weeks from now.

So I hope we shall set ourselves such a target and determine to reach it. We cannot afford to delay. This Conference bears heavy responsibilities; it has also splendid opportunities. Let it seize them now.

Ladies and Gentlemen, before I conclude, I would just like to give you one experience which was mine in the early days of this war, which I think has perhaps its lesson for us all in the work we have to do. In the early days of this war, I went to Egypt to greet soldiers from Australia and from New Zealand who had come to that country to protect the Suez Canal against the imminent threat of Mussolini's aggression. On the evening after they had arrived, I was speaking to a number of the men on the motives that had made them volunteer to come those many thousands of miles for this duty. And of the group as we talked, one man remained quite silent. At last, I turned to him and I said, "And what made you come here?" And he replied, "I guess there is a job of work to be done."

Sir, in the last six terrible years, unnumbered men have died to give humanity another chance; unnumbered men have died because they felt there was a job of work to be done. We too have a job of work to do if we are not to fail these men. Let us do it with courage, modesty, and dispatch. Let us do it now.

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, that concludes the First Plenary Session of the Conference. The Steering Committee, may I remind you, will meet again tomorrow morning at 10:30 in the same room in which we met this morning. The Second Plenary Session will be held in this Opera House at 3:30 tomorrow afternoon when we will hear from certain of our other distinguished chairmen of delegations. We stand adjourned.

Verbatim Minutes...

MR. STETTINIUS: Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Second Plenary Session of the United Nations Conference on International Organization is hereby convened.

The first part of our session this afternoon will be devoted to the business of organizing the Conference. After this is completed, the chairmen of the delegations, other than the chairmen of the sponsoring delegations who spoke at the First Plenary Session yesterday, will address the Conference.

The chairmen of the delegations met yesterday morning and again this morning for the purpose of considering and recommending to the Plenary Session the organization of the Conference. The meeting of the chairmen of delegations appointed the chairman of the delegation of Cuba, Dr. Guillermo Belt, as rapporteur, who will now present to you his report based upon the action of the Steering Committee. Each item as it is presented by Dr. Belt will be considered immediately after it is read.

And I now welcome Dr. Belt to the rostrum.

DR. BELT: Thank you, Mr. Stettinius. The chairmen of all delegations represented at the United Nations Conference on International Organization met on April 26 and 27, 1945, at 10:30 a.m. for the purpose of organizing the Conference. The Honorable Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., temporary President of the Conference, acted as Chairman. Working languages of the Conference:

The meeting recommends that at plenary sessions of the Conference addresses in English or French would not be interpreted into the other language, but that a translation would appear subsequently in the "Record." Delegates would be free to use any other language besides English or French, but in this case they should provide interpretations thereof into either English or French, at their choice. Interpretations may be made into both English or French if the speaker desires.

As regards meetings of commissions, technical committees, and subcommittees, it is recommended that interpretations from English into French and vice versa would be provided if the meeting in question so desired. Delegates would be free in these bodies also to speak in any other language, but should provide their own interpretations into either English or French.

MR. STETTINIUS: Does any delegate wish to comment upon this recommendation? In the absence of objection, the recommendation will be approved.

Dr. Belt, will you continue with your report? DR. BELT: Official languages of the Conference: The meeting recommends that English, Russian, Chinese, French, and Spanish be the official languages of the Conference.

A more detailed report on the question of languages will be submitted tomorrow.

MR. STETTINIUS: Is there any comment on this recommendation by any delegate? If not, the recommendation is approved.

DR. BELT: The meeting unanimously elected the chairman of the delegation of Cuba as its rapporteur. Secretary General of the Conference:

The meeting recommends the confirmation of the temporary Secretary General, Mr. Alger Hiss, as the Secretary General of the Conference.

MR. STETTINIUS: Hearing no objection, Ladies and Gentlemen, Mr. Hiss is approved by acclamation.

DR. BELT: Organization of the Conference:

The meeting approved the memorandum prepared by the temporary Secretary General on the proposed organization of the Conference, and will submit to the Conference its report based thereon as soon as possible. Election of presiding officers:

The meeting recommends that there be four Presidents, who will preside in rotation at the plenary sessions. These four may meet from time to time, with Mr. Stettinius presiding over these meetings, and Mr. Stettinius to be Chairman of the Executive and Steering Committees, the three others delegating full powers to Mr. Stettinius for conducting the business of the Conference.

MR. STETTINIUS: Has any delegate any comment on this suggestion? Is there any objection?

The recommendation is approved. Dr. Belt, will you proceed?

DR. BELT: Membership of the Executive Committee:
Francis Michael Forde or Herbert Vere Evatt,
K.D., chairman of the delegation of Australia
Pedro Leao Velloso, chairman of the delegation of
Brazil

W. L. Mackenzie King, M.P., chairman of the delegation of Canada

Joaquín Fernández y Fernández, chairman of the delegation of Chile

T. V. Soong, chairman of the delegation of China Jan Masaryk, chairman of the delegation of Czechoslovakia

Georges Bidault, chairman of the delegation of France

Mostafa Adl, chairman of the delegation of Iran Ezequiel Padilla, chairman of the delegation of Mexico

Eelco N. van Kleffens, chairman of the delegation of the Netherlands

V. M. Molotov, chairman of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

Anthony Eden, chairman of the delegation of the United Kingdom

Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., chairman of the delegation of the United States

Ivan Subasic, chairman of the delegation of Yugoslavia.

MR. STETTINIUS: You have heard the recommendation for the membership of the Executive Committee. Are there any further nominations? If there are no further nominations, members of the Executive Committee will stand approved as recommended by the Steering Committee. Dr. Belt.

DR. BELT: Agenda of the Conference:

The meeting recommends that the Conference approve as its agenda the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals as supplemented at the Crimea Conference and by the Chinese proposals agreed to by all the sponsoring governments, and the comments thereon submitted by the participating countries.

MR. STETTINIUS: Has any delegate any comment on this recommendation? If there is no comment, the recommendation stands approved.

DR. BELT: Rules of procedure:

The meeting discussed the rules of procedure for the Conference on the basis of a memorandum prepared by the Secretariat. The report of the meeting will be submitted to the Conference in plenary session for its approval as soon as possible.