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being in the time of ignorance dedicated to drinking in excess. By reason of the profound peace and security enjoyed in this month, one part of the provisions brought by the caravans of purveyors annually set out by the Koreish for the supply of Mecca was distributed among the people; the other part being, for the like reason, distributed at the pilgrimage.*

The observance of the aforesaid months seemed so reasonable to Mohammed, that it met with his approbation; and the same is accordingly confirmed and enforced by several passages of the Korân," which forbid war to be waged during those months against such as acknowledge them to be sacred, but grant, at the same time, full permission to attack those who make no such distinction, in the sacred months as well as in the profane."

9

One practice, however, of the Arabs, in relation to these sacred months, Mohammed thought proper to reform: for some of them, weary of sitting quiet for three months together, and eager to make their accustomed incursions for plunder, used, by way of expedient, whenever it suited their inclinations or conveniency, to put off the observing of al Moharran to the following month, Safar,' thereby avoiding to keep the former, which they supposed it lawful for them to profane, provided they sanctified another month in lieu of it, and gave public notice thereof at the preceding pilgrimage. This transferring the observation of a sacred month to a profane month is what is truly meant by the Arabic word al Nasî, and is absolutely condemned, and declared to be an impious innovation, in a passage of the Korân3 which Dr. Prideaux, misled by Golius,' imagines to relate to the prolonging of the year, by adding an intercalary month thereto. It is true, the Arabs, who imitated the Jews in their manner of computing by lunar years, had also learned their method of reducing them to solar years, by intercalating a month sometimes in the third, and sometimes in the second year; by which means they fixed the pilgrimage of Mecca (contrary to the original institution) to a certain season of the year, viz. to autumn, as most convenient for the pilgrims, by reason of the temperateness of the weather, and the plenty of provisions; and it is also true that Mohammed forbade such intercalation by a passage in the same chapter of the Korân: but then it is not the passage above mentioned, which prohibits a different thing, but one a little before it, wherein the number of months in the year, according to the ordinance of God, is declared to be twelve;" whereas if the intercalation of a month were allowed, every third or second year would consist of thirteen, contrary to God's appointment.

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The setting apart of one day in the week for the more peculiar attendance on God's worship, so strictly required by the Jewish and Christian religions, appeared to Mohammed to be so proper an institution, that he could not but imitate the professors thereof in that particular; though for the sake of distinction, he might think himself obliged to order his followers to observe a different day from either. Several reasons are given why the sixth day of the week was pitched on for this purpose: but Mohammed seems to have preferred that day, chiefly because it was the day on which the people used to be assembled long before his time, though such assemblies were had, perhaps, rather on a civil than a religious account. However it

6

Al Makrîzi, apud Poc. ubi sup. et Auctor Neshk al Azhâr, ibid. c. 106. Al Edrîsi apud Poc. Specim. p. 127.

c. 5, p. 95, &c.
Chap. 9, c. 2, p. 23.
8 Chap. 9, ibid. Life of Moham. p. 66.
Preface to the first vol. of his Connect. p. vi. &c.
See also c. 2, p. 23. See c. 63, and the notes there.

Chap. 9, c. 2, p. 23.
7 See the notes to
1 In Alfrag. p. 12.
Vide Gol. ubi sup.
Al Beidâwi.

c.

See Korán,

c. 4, p. 81, 9, ubi sup. 2 See Prid.

Kor. c. 9.

be, the Mohammedan writers bestow very extraordinary encomiums on this day, calling it the prince of days, and the most excellent day on which the sun rises; pretending also that it will be the day whereon the last judgment will be solemnized: and they esteem it a peculiar honour to Islam, that God has been pleased to appoint this day to be the feast-day of the Moslems, and granted them the advantage of having first observed it." Though the Mohammedans do not think themselves bound to keep their day of public worship so holy as the Jews and Christians are certainly obliged to keep theirs, there being a permission, as is generally supposed, in the Korân, allowing them to return to their employments or diversion after divine service is over; yet the most devout disapprove the applying of any part of that day to worldly affairs, and require it to be wholly dedicated to the business of the life to come.'

Since I have mentioned the Mohammedan weekly feast, I beg leave just to take notice of their two Beirâms, or principal annual feasts. The first of them is called, in Arabic, Id al fetr, i. e. The feast of breaking the fast, and begins the first of Shawâl immediately succeeding the fast of Ramadân; and the other is called Id al korbân, or Id al adhâ, i. e. The feast of the sacrifice, and begins on the tenth of Dhu'lhajja, when the victims are slain at the pilgrimage of Mecca.3 The former of these feasts is properly the lesser Beirâm, and the latter the greater Beirâm: but the vulgar, and most authors who have written of the Mohammedan affairs," exchange the epithets, and call that which follows Ramadân the greater Beirâm, because it is observed in an extraordinary manner, and kept for three days together at Constantinople and in other parts of Turkey, and in Persia for five or six days, by the common people at least, with great demonstrations of public joy, to make themselves amends, as it were, for the mortification of the preceding month; whereas the feast of sacrifices, though it be also kept for three days, and the first of them be the most solemn day of the pilgrimage, the principal act of devotion among the Mohammedans, is taken much less notice of by the generality of people, who are not struck therewith, because the ceremonies with which the same is observed are performed at Mecca, the only scene of that solemnity.

SECTION VIIL

OF THE PRINCIPAL SECTS AMONG THE MOHAMMEDANS; AND OF THOSE WHO HAVE PRETENDED TO PROPHECY AMONG THE ARABS, IN OR SINCE THE TIME OF MOHAMMED.

BEFORE We take a view of the sects of the Mohammedans, it will be necessary to say something of the two sciences by which all disputed questions among them are determined, viz. their Scholastic and Practical Divinity.

Their scholastic divinity is a mongrel science, consisting of logical, metaphysical, theological and philosophical disquisitions, and built on principles and methods of reasoning very different from what are used by those

Ebn al Athîr, et al Ghazâli, apud Poc. Spec. p. 317. 8 lidem. Al Ghazâli, Ibid. 10 Chap. 63, ubi sup. Al Ghazâli, ubi sup. p. 318. The word Beirâm is Turkish, and properly signifies a feast-day or holiday. 3 See chap. 9, and before, sect. iv. p. 86. Vide Reland, de Rel. Moham. p. 109, et D'Herbel, Bibl. Orient. Art. Beirâm. Hyde, in notis ad Bobov. p. 16. Chardin, Voy. de Perse, tom. ii. p. 450. Ricant's State of the Ottoman Empire, lib. ii. c. 24. &c. Vide Chardin, et Ricaut, ubi sup.

who pass among the Mohammedans themselves for the sounder divines or more able philosophers,' and therefore in the partition of the sciences this is generally left out, as unworthy a place among them. The learned Maimonides has laboured to expose the principles and systems of the scholastic divines, as frequently repugnant to the nature of the world and the order of the creation, and intolerably absurd.

This art of handling religious disputes was not known in the infancy of Mohammedism, but was brought in when sects sprang up, and articles of religion began to be called in question, and was at first made use of to defend the truth of those articles against innovators; and while it keeps within those bounds is allowed to be a commendable study, being necessary for the defence of the faith: but when it proceeds farther, out of an itch of disputation, it is judged worthy of censure.

This is the opinion of al Ghazâli, who observes a medium between those who have too high a value for this science, and those who absolutely reject it. Among the latter was al Shâfei, who declared that, in his judgment, if any man employed his time that way, he deserved to be fixed to a stake, and carried about through all the Arab tribes, with the following proclamation to be made before him: This is the reward of him who, leaving the Koran and the Sonna, applied himself to the study of scholastic divinity.3 Al Ghazâli, on the other hand, thinks that it was introduced by the invasion of heresies, it is necessary to be retained in order to quell them : but then in the person who studies this science he requires three things, diligence, acuteness of judgment, and probity of manners; and is by no means for suffering the same to be publicly explained. This science, therefore, among the Mohammedans, is the art of controversy, by which they discuss points of faith, concerning the essence and attributes of God, and the conditions of all possible things, either in respect to their creation, or final restoration, according to the rules of the religion of Islam.

The other science is practical divinity or jurisprudence, and is the knowledge of the decisions of the law which regard practice, gathered from distinct proofs.

Al Ghazâli declares that he had much the same opinion of this science as of the former, its original being owing to the corruption of religion and morality; and therefore judged both sciences to be necessary not in themselves, but by accident only, to curb the irregular imaginations and passions of mankind (as guards become necessary in the highways by reason of robbers); the end of the first being the suppressing of heresies, and of the other the decision of legal controversies, for the quiet and peaceable living of mankind in this world, and for the preserving the rule by which the magistrate may prevent one man from injuring another, by declaring what is lawful and what is unlawful, by determining the satisfaction to be given, or punishment to be inflicted, and by regulating other outward actions; and not only so, but to decide of religion itself and its conditions, so far as relates to the profession made by the mouth, it not being the business of the civilian to inquire into the heart: the depravity of men's manners, however, has made this knowledge of the laws so very requisite, that it is usually called the science by way of excellence, nor is any man reckoned learned who has not applied himself thereto."

7 Poc. Spec. p. 196.

Apud Ebn Sina, in Libello de Divisione Scientiar. et Nasiro'ddin al Tusi, in præfat. ad Ethic. More Nevoch. lib. i. c. 71, et 73. 1Al Ghazâli, apud Poc. ubi sup. Ibid. Vide Poc. Ibid. p. 197. * Al Ghazali, Ibid. Ebn al Kossá, apud eund. Ibid. p. 198. Al Ghazâli. Vide Ibid. p. 198–204. 7 Vide Ibid. p. 204.

The points of faith, subject to the examination and discussion of the scholastic divines, are reduced to four general heads, which they call the four bases, or great fundamental articles.8

The first basis relates to the attributes of God, and his unity consistent therewith. Under this head are comprehended the questions concerning the eternal attributes, which are asserted by some, and denied by others; and also the explication of the essential attributes, and attributes of action; what is proper for God to do, and what may be affirmed of him, and what it is impossible for him to do. These things are controverted between the Ashárians, the Kerâmians, the Mojassemians or Corporealists, and the Mótazalites.9

The second basis regards predestination, and the justice thereof: which comprises the questions concerning God's purpose and decree, man's compulsion or necessity to act, and his co-operation in producing actions, by which he may gain to himself good or evil; and also those which concern God's willing good and evil, and what things are subject to his power, and what to his knowledge; some maintaining the affirmative, and others the negative. These points are disputed among the Kadarians, the Najarians, the Jabarians, the Ashárians, and the Kerâmians.1

The third basis concerns the promises and threats, the precise acceptation of names used in divinity, and the divine decisions; and comprehends questions relating to faith, repentance, promises, threats, forbearance, infidelity, and error. The controversies under this head are on foot between the Morgians, the Waïdians, the Mótazalites, the Ashárians, and the Kerâmians.

The fourth basis regards history and reason, that is, the just weight they ought to have in matters belonging to faith and religion; and also the mission of prophets, and the office of Imâm, or chief pontiff. Under this head are comprised all casuistical questions relating to the moral beauty or turpitude of actions; inquiring whether things are allowed or forbidden by reason of their own nature, or by the positive law; and also questions concerning the preference of actions, the favour or grace of God, the innocence which ought to attend the prophetical office, and the conditions requisite in the office of Imâm; some asserting it depends on right of succession, others on the consent of the faithful, and also the method of transferring it, with the former, and of confirming it, with the latter. These matters are the subjects of dispute between the Shiites, the Mótazalites, the Kerâmians, and the Ashárians.3

The different sects of Mohammedans may be distinguished into two sorts; those generally esteemed orthodox, and those which are esteemed heretical.

The former, by a general name, are called Sonnites or Traditionists; because they acknowledge the authority of the Sonna, or collection of moral traditions of the sayings and actions of their prophet, which is a sort of supplement to the Korân, directing the observance of several things omitted in that book, and in name, as well as design, answering to the Mishna of the Jews."

The Sonnites are subdivided into four chief sects, which, notwithstanding some differences as to legal conclusions in their interpretation of the Korân, and matters of practice, are generally acknowledged to be orthodox in

Vide Abu'lfarag. Hist. Dynast. p. 166. Al Shahrestâni, apud Poc. ubi sup. p. 204, &c. 1 Idem, ibid. p. 205. Idem, ibid. p. 206. Idem, ibid. * Vide Poc. Spec. p. 208. Prid. Life of Moham. p. 51, &c. Reland, de Rel. Moham. p. 68, &c. Millium, de Mohammedismo ante Moham. p. 368, 369.

radicals, or matters of faith, and capable of salvation, and have each of them their several stations or oratories in the temple of Mecca.

The founders of these sects are looked upon as the great masters of jurisprudence, and are said to have been men of great devotion and selfdenial, well versed in the knowledge of those things which belong to the next life and to man's right conduct here, and directing all their knowledge to the glory of God. This is all Ghazâli's encomium of them, who thinks it derogatory to their honour that their names should be used by those who, neglecting to imitate the other virtues which make up their character, apply themselves only to attain their skill, and follow their opinions in matters of legal practice.

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The first of the four orthodox sects is that of the Hanefites, so named from their founder, Abu Hanîfa al Nómân Ebn Thâbet, who was born at Cufâ, in the eightieth year of the Hejra, and died in the one hundred and fiftieth, according to the more preferable opinion as to the time." He ended his life in prison at Baghdâd, where he had been confined because he refused to be made Kâdi or judge; on which account he was very hardly dealt with by his superiors, yet could not be prevailed on, either by threats or ill treatment, to undertake the charge, choosing rather to be punished by them than by God, says al Ghazâli; who adds, that when he excused himself from accepting the office by alleging that he was unfit for it, being asked the reason, he replied, "If I speak the truth, I am unfit; but if I tell a lie, a liar is not fit to be a judge." It is said that he read over the Korân in the prison where he died, no less than seven thousand times.9

The Hanefites are called by an Arabian writer' the followers of reason, and those of the three other sects, followers of tradition; the former being principally guided by their own judgment in their decisions, and the latter adhering more tenaciously to the traditions of Mohammed.

The sect of Abu Hanifa heretofore obtained chiefly in Irâk, but now generally prevails among the Turks and Tartars: his doctrine was brought into great credit by Abu Yusof, chief justice under the Khalifs al Hadi and Harûn al Rashîd.3

The second orthodox sect is that of Mâlec Ebn Ans, who was born at Medina, in the year of the Hejra, 90, 93, 94,* or 95,5 and died there in 177, 178,7 or 1798 (for so much do authors differ). This doctor is said to have paid great regard to the traditions of Mohammed. In his last illness, a friend going to visit him found him in tears, and asking him the reason of it, he answered, "How should I not weep? and who has more reason to weep than I? Would to God that for every question decided by me according to my own opinion I had received so many stripes! then would my accounts be easier. Would to God I had never given any decision of my own!" Al Ghazâli thinks it a sufficient proof of Mâlec's directing his knowledge to the glory of God, that being once asked his opinion as to forty-eight questions, his answer to thirty-two of them was, that he did not

See before, p. 82. • Vide Poc. Spec. p. 293. 7 Ebn Khalecân. • This was the true cause of his imprisonment and death, and not his refusing to subscribe to the opinion of absolute predestination, as D'Herbelot writes (Bibl. Orient. p. 21), misled by the dubious acceptation of the word Kadâ, which signifies not only God's decree in particular, but also the giving sentence as a judge in general: nor could Abu Hanifa have been reckoned orthodox had he denied one of the principal articles of faith. Poc. Spec. p. 297, 298. 1 Al Shahrestâni, ibid. Idem. Vide D'Herbel. Bibl. Orient. p. 21, 22. * Abulfeda. Ebn Khalecân. • Idem. 7 Abulfeda

Elmacinus, p. 114. Ebn Khalec. Vide Poc. Spec. p. 294. 1 Idem.

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