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precision work. Unskilled workers at the assembly lines earned more money than the skilled workers who produced precision instruments because the latter received hourly wages. Even when I was Gauleiter I tried to bring about a wage compromise so that the skilled workers would be on an equal basis with the unskilled workers. This system I later tried to spread out over Germany and I succeeded gradually. This new order consisted in paying the skilled workers more than those working on mass production. Eckloehne* refers to wages the same as we have only that it varies with the arrangement and depends on agricultural productivity of the area; and for instance, in nonagricultural areas the wage was higher. I was for striking an average between these wages all over the Reich and in various communities certain additional contributions were made in accordance with the cost of living index.

Re wages and these Eckloehne, they became a basis of the piece rates and Leistungsloehne.** Re wages and these Eckloehne, I had to keep them on a firm basis in the occupied countries. I convinced the Fuehrer that piece rates and these Leistungsloehne should not be cut because the more incentive we give to production the better the results will be. If the worker used little tricks in production he could at times receive high earnings above the Eckloehne standard. The engineers would soon find out about these little tricks that were being used. Thus it was possible for the worker to receive twice as much wages through twice the amount of the Eckloehne due to the little tricks he used in production. If the worker earned too much, the earnings were then somewhat reduced. On the assembly line of workers who worked on the same thing, that is equally applicable. This procedure of cutting down wages was called "Akkordschere"*** on piece rates. This system of "Akkordschere" was not liked and was even hated. I rescinded this "Akkordschere" regulation in the new wage regulations. We recognized the quantitative production wages even though they were way above the average production wages and nothing could be cut off these wages any more. This became the basis of the German wage policy effective in 1943 for Germany and the occupied countries. We endeavored to maintain these principles in the occupied countries. The wage standards in the countries which we occupied were naturally different. It is therefore not right that I or Germany demanded lower wage standards in the occupied countries. And higher wages were paid *Although this is the word transcribed by the reporter, the word used by the witness was most likely Streckloehne ("Stretch-wages" or special wages). It is not clear whether the word refers to the wage rate as adjusted by the cost-of-living differential, or to such differential itself. ***Performance compensation" or incentive wages. ***Piece-rate "scissors", cut-off, or curtailment.

in Norway and Denmark and Holland. I was ordered not to lower the wages but to maintain the standard as it had been in 1942 when I took over my office. I then had to adhere to this order very strictly. I received requests from other occupied areas for wage increases. If I had granted these requests I would first have violated the orders of the Government and the Fuehrer; secondly, I would have contributed to bring disorder into the European economic system. At any rate, I could not have made such a decision alone; I needed the agreement of the German Price Commissar. This wage question was brought up at the Fuehrer's Headquarters several times and the Fuehrer asked me again and again to maintain stable wages, otherwise wages would start sliding like an avalanche and bring inflation to Europe. I must, therefore, point out that I wasn't set on increasing the wages of laborers in the occupied countries but that I wanted to adhere to the established wage standards. It is, therefore, not right that I kept wages down in occupied countries in order to lure the workers in those countries to Germany, as it says in the document referred to above. However, I do not contest the fact that in those countries where wages were lower it served as an incentive to lure workers to Germany. I have also had lengthy conversations about this with Laval. He admitted that he would like under all circumstances to avoid inflationary courses. Conferences with Laval and other people about this wage standard question were very difficult because even in economic circles this question is considered a very difficult one.

I now come to the main counter-argument to my own convictions. The main counter-argument to the orders which I was asked to carry out by the Fuehrer was the appearance of black markets. It must be noted that I, together with all the other government officials, was a staunch opponent of black markets. I want to declare most sacredly that I could not have derived any benefit from any black market operation. I and the other officers have fought against this black market because it would have undermined the confidence of the French people. It is certain that if any German officials or Germans supported and furthered the black market they have committed a major crime. In conversations with Laval I emphasized again and again the necessity of reducing the wage level to the standard of the years of 1941 and 1942. I felt convinced that just like increasing prices and profits, a strong government on the other hand should be able to reduce prices to the desired levels. I ordered that in all occupied countries, just like in Germany, all merchandise was to be tagged with a price tag which would represent the controlled price in that area.

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How much that was carried out, especially in France where administration was in French hands, I don't know; but my desires and wishes were not greatly welcomed. Upon an order of the Fuehrer, it was recommended that in those French factories where workers worked for Germany or in the organization Todt, factory lunches were to be served and canteens opened where cheap food and other necessities were to be purchased at lower rates. That was also ordered for other occupied areas. I can't say whether these orders were carried out all over, but I myself visited factories in Paris where this had been instituted; I have even eaten there myself. I want to underline that fact now because at Oberursel it was contested because such institutions would have been against my interest. But I cannot deny anything that I have seen myself and that I have experienced myself. I say that under oath. We hoped that through this measure a certain independence of the French worker from the black market might be achieved. I want to reiterate again my statement which I have also made in the Reich that the black market is like a cancerous growth on the economy. If I am told that I was supposed to know about all these black-market operations, then I must say that I have been so occupied in carrying out my duties that I had no time to conduct any investigations. I also want to add that the Fuehrer had issued an order that each department head was not to meddle into another department's business, and to keep all measures secret. This was a very strict order.

In Italy towards the end of 1942 the following took place: The Fascist Ministerrat (Council of Ministers) ordered a 15 percent wage increase. I suppose and that is my personal assumptionthey did it to make themselves popular. The Duce introduced the formula of a wage increase up to 15 percent. By the time it had reached the Italian press it read "a wage increase of at least 15 percent." The results were that in various areas prices increased 30 percent the next day. Wages-especially in Milan, as I remember-rose to 90 percent. This event became the subject of lengthy discussions in the German Embassy in Italy. Unfortunately, I was not successful in impeding this general wage increase. And the result of all this was a general alert in respect to the wage and price policy in Italy. The lamentable thing is that as far as the masses are concerned the prices increased much faster, to the detriment of the masses. Such events were also uncontrollable in the Balkans, especially in Greece and Yugoslavia. The events had taken place there already, black market, wage increases, price increases.

*Between the time of their capture and their confinement in the Nurnberg prison a number of high-ranking Nazis, including Sauckel, were interned in a detention center at Oberursel.

Excerpts from Testimony of Fritz Sauckel taken at
Nurnberg, Germany, 18 October 1945, 1710-1720, by
Major John J. Monigan, CAC. Also present: 2nd Lt.
Werner N. Von Rosenstiel, Interpreter; T/4 James P.
Buck, Court Reporter.

Sauckel's Statement of Innocence After Reading Indictment

Q. You have now been served with a copy of the indictment in this case in which you are accused as a defendant of the commission of various crimes. It is expected that you will continue to be interrogated from time to time unless you expressly object thereto. Please state whether you have any objection to being further interrogated, or whether you consider your interests would be best protected by refusing to be interrogated further. A. May I make an announcement on this issue. I am neither a lawyer nor do I know in any detail German or international law. Because of the honor of myself, of my family, my children, and my people, I am ready to answer any question that may be directed to me here or in a court of justice. I would like to state at this point, however, that intentionally I have not participated in a conspiracy against the rights of my own nation or against any other nation. I have acted in good faith believing that I would serve my nation. I have been a simple sailor and worker and have tried by home studies to absorb and study the contacts that constitute the life and organic composition of my nation. I have never assumed that the movement of which I became a member might lead to a wanton violation of international law. The Office for the Control of Manpower which I was required to take over in 1942, I have carried through because I was expressly told that in Germany everybody has to take the place he is ordered to take just the same as a soldier has to fight at the front. I would like to state in addition to that which I have said under oath that I have stayed away from any discussion or preparation for international actions, from discussions of a foreign policy nature or with regard to the preparation of war. The execution of my orders in 1942 I have to admit, of course, and I am willing also to be held responsible for that, but I would like to state expressly in this connection again that I have never participated in matters regarding penal institutions or concentration camps or measures of that nature. After having declared my willingness to testify here I would like to be permitted in the future to ask the advice of the Major who is questioning me at this time. Q. Advice? Do you have any specific matter you wish to discuss?

A. I am totally alone and I do not know anybody in Germany who could be my defense counsel. I lived a rather isolated life and even in Germany I have only a very limited circle of acquaintances. I do not know whether the Major is a prosecuting official, judge, or any other official. I am aware of the fact that greater things are at stake than my person. Since I have been alone for 6 months by now I bring forward confidence to arother person, this being part of my character. But I, myself, ar totally unable to select a defense counsel from the list that has been handed to me. Also with regard to other attorneys from my whole country I am not informed. With regard to the substance of the questions I can of course at all times answer myself. But concerning the legal technicalities I naturally have no information.

Q. The manner of the selection of the defense counsel has not been prescribed at the present time. If there is someone that you feel would be capable of representing you, you will have ar opportunity to request such person.

A. I don't know anybody of significance even in my home town. Never in my life have I had anything to do with the courts or with the police. I would never have expected this in all my life.

Q. It is not possible for me to give you any advice since I am not a judge in the case. I am an officer of the United States Army and I therefore cannot advise you.

*

A. Where could I then obtain some advice as I am alone? Q. Of the people on this list which was given to you, perhaps some person could be selected who could talk to you about it. A. Then I will have to leave it to a blind chance. In conclusion I would like to state a few days ago on the suggestion of Major Kelley, the physician, I have delivered a rather detailed description of my life-about 20 pages. And I should appreciate it if you would ask Major Kelley to deliver this description of my life and perhaps pass it on to the International Tribunal. I would like to express before the Major that I never in my life thought to commit a crime and that the only motive of my joining the party was my love for the German worker and the German nation. And for this reason it is impossible for me to consider myself a criminal, because otherwise I would not have staye alive. But I would like to state at this point that I have not a thought of committing suicide or doing anything against my own life or to deny any testimony whatever.

Q. You understand that the indictment is a series of charges and you will have an opportunity to present your defense. A. Yes.

*The Nurnberg prison psychiatrist.

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