which was interpreted as a protest against the electioneering methods practised in several provinces of Southern Italy. Opposition had everywhere been driven underground, the absence of any electioneering pictures other than Fascist being noticeable, while the silence of the opposition in public was not less marked. The election, which took place throughout the country on April 6 without any disturbance, followed its foreordained course. About 63 per cent. of the electorate voted, 7,628,859 votes being cast. The official list was declared to have obtained 60 per cent. of the votes, and its 355 Deputies were accordingly proclaimed elected, the remaining 172 seats being apportioned on the principle of proportional representation between dissentient Liberals, Democrats, Popolari, Socialists, Republicans, and Communists. Regrettable outbursts of violence occurred after the count in districts disclosing a substantial but not sweeping Fascist majority, the "Popolari" or Clerical Party suffering most at the hands of Fascist organisations. The ebullitions of partisan feeling were, however, only sporadic, and were disregarded by Signor Mussolini, as the majority obtained by his party largely exceeded the statutory percentage; and the cavilling of the defeated parties, natural enough under the circumstances, soon grew silent in anticipation of the State opening of the Legislature by the King on May 24, which was accompanied by a message that tended momentarily to allay their discontent.

Mr. Ramsay MacDonald's statement on March 10 in the House of Commons that the British Government was prepared to reconsider the "Jubaland Question" was well received in Italy, where public opinion was perplexed by the delay in carrying out the extension of Italy's African possessions contemplated by the London Agreement of 1915. Two lines of demarcation between British East African possessions and Italian Somaliland had been proposed. One treated the question as part of a general settlement including the retrocession of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece, and this had indeed at one time been agreed upon by the two Powers interested, but Italy had withdrawn her adhesion to it when the events of 1922 eliminated Greece as a possible rival in Asia Minor. The Dodecanese had been awarded to Italy formally by the Treaty of Lausanne, and the proposal known as the Milner-Scialoja line once more became the basis for negotiations. Signor Mussolini took occasion in his statement on foreign affairs to the Cabinet on May 1 to report progress in the negotiations, stating that no question of principle divided the parties, but only questions of local import which could best be settled on the spot by Commissioners. The Italian experts were nominated on May 28, just at the time of the Italian Royal visit to London, a coincidence which doubtless enhanced the effect of that event in cementing Anglo-Italian friendship. The Treaty of cession was signed on July 15 in London, and speedily ratified.

The second celebration of Labour Day on April 21 (May

day having been appropriated by Signor Mussolini for the "Natale di Roma ") was marked in all the principal centres by demonstrations of the Fascist Syndicates or Labour Unions, including at Milan an imposing cortège of operatives, and in Rome the ceremonial award of the city's freedom to Signor Mussolini. The Premier left Rome on May 4 for a ten days' tour in the South and Sicily to celebrate his victory in the election. He was welcomed everywhere with acclamation. He returned on May 14, ostensibly to open the session of the Emigration International Congress, which was attended by delegates from 54 States, on May 15, but actually to quell by his presence incipient dissensions which had broken out in his party over electoral results. His visit to Milan to meet the Belgian Ministers MM. Theunis and Hymans gave him an opportunity of restating his position with regard to the Ruhr and Italian reparation claims in connection with the forthcoming London Conference. He returned to Rome in time for the State inauguration of the Legislature on May 24, which was to be marked this time by a ceremonial which had long fallen into disuse, and was now revived with the express purpose of refuting his opponents' accusations of his scant respect for Parliamentary institutions, to which indeed colour had been lent by his pronouncements in the previous year. The date coincided with the ninth anniversary of Italy's entry into the war, and was thus doubly significant.

On May 27 the Chamber, after protracted discussions, elected as its President Signor Alfredo Rocco, the Government candidate. The Debate on the Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne developed an electric atmosphere, which had not cleared by June 7 when the voting on the motion of confidence in Signor Mussolini's policy was taken, disclosing a falling off in the Opposition ranks, the numbers being 361 to 107.

Opposition, however, while stifled in the Chamber itself, was active in the Parliamentary lobbies, where certain proposals of the Government, viz., a decree legalising the opening of public gambling casinos and an agreement entered into with the Sinclair Oil Company of America, granting prospectors privileges in Italian oil-bearing areas, had aroused heated controversy, it being suggested that the Minister of Finance, whose personal integrity was above suspicion, had been misled by unscrupulous persons. A Socialist Deputy, Signor Giacomo Matteotti, who was believed to be in possession of incriminating documents, disappeared from his home on June 10. Suspicion of foul play immediately arose, and became a certainty within forty-eight hours. Two persons, Signor Filippo Filipelli and one Amerigo Dumini, were apprehended, and both made statements incriminating persons in high office. This led to the resignation of General De Bono, Chief Commissioner of Police, and Signor Aldo Finzi, Under-Secretary of the Interior, and to the arrest of Comm. C. Rossi, Chief of the Press Bureau, and Comm.

Marinelli, a member of the Fascist Party Directorate, on suspicion of connivance in the murder. Signor Mussolini likewise relinquished the Portfolio of Home Affairs to Signor Federzoni, Minister of the Colonies. Italian public opinion was deeply stirred by the resolutions of sympathy abroad with Signor Matteotti's family and his political party, notably that of the British Labour Party in Parliament, and on June 24 Signor Mussolini made a powerful speech to the Senate denouncing the deed and its perpetrators, announcing condign penalties, and promising stringent measures to restore constitutional order in the country. He secured a vote of confidence in the Upper House by 225 to 21 votes with 6 abstentions, and repeated his assurances in the Chamber with a formal promise to bring all the guilty, whoever they might be, to justice.

The Minister of Finance, Signor De Stefani, in making his financial statement for the year ending on June 30, reviewed the position of the country, emphasising the retrenchments which had been effected, and which in his own department had meant the dismissal of no fewer than 500 officials; the diminution of unemployment from an average of 399,000 in 1922 to 177,000 in April, 1924; and the increase of railway revenue, and of bank and savings bank deposits. Extraordinary war taxes amounting to 51,000,000 lire had been abolished, the progressive real estate taxes had been fixed at an average of 16 per cent., and further facilities had been introduced for the redemption of outstanding annuities, of a kind which foreshadowed their early extinction. Indirect taxation also showed reductions in the alcohol excise. The abolition of the highly unpopular 10 per cent. excise on wine grown and consumed by the peasantry had led to a loss of revenue, which was met by a steep increase-2 lire per kilo-on coffee, and the same on sugar, imposed by Order in Council in the autumn. This tax has had much to do with the growth of discontent against the present régime. Signor de Stefani concluded his speech with the statement that the deficit had fallen to 800,000,000 lire, and that he estimated a complete balance of revenue and expenditure in 1925-26.

The Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne was transmitted to the King by a deputation of both Houses, and the King accepted it with a speech urging national concord in the trying time through which they were passing. The ministerial changes initiated with the appointment of Signor Federzoni to the Interior were completed with the substitution of Signori Di Scalea Casati (Public Instruction), Sarrocchi (Public Works), and Nava (National Economy) for Signori Carnazza, Gentile, and Corbino respectively.

Meanwhile, as search for Signor Matteotti's body had so far proved fruitless, conjecture and suspicion had a free rein; the Opposition deputies announced their refusal, pending reforms, to attend Parliament, and press polemics assumed a tone of unprecedented violence, which determined the Government to

enact a stringent Press Law. Such a law had already been drafted by Signor Mussolini in the exercise of the dictatorial powers granted to him by the previous Parliament and relinquished by him at the close of 1923, but it had remained in abeyance, not having been submitted for ratification to the present Chamber. It was now rendered operative by Order in Council on July 8. It placed all press misdemeanours under the jurisdiction of the Prefect, removing them from the cognisance of the ordinary courts. The measure, if justifiable on grounds of emergency, was open to objection as permitting the interference of the Executive with the judiciary; moreover, the manner of its application, which was frequently on party lines, cannot but be held largely accountable for the ensuing unrest in the country, which was further intensified by the delays in the investigation of the Matteotti murder, and also by the peculiarly horrible details which now came to light and which worked up public feeling to a paroxysm of indignation.

Signor Mussolini showed considerable skill and great moderation in handling the somewhat delicate position which had arisen in the Italian-Swiss Canton Ticino in consequence of a nationalist agitation which was alleged to have its source in Fascist circles, and which magnified trifling incidents into national slights. Friendly explanations were given, and the incident closed with an interchange of Notes on April 18 between the Swiss Minister in Rome, M. Magnière, and Signor Mussolini. The new Tangier statute in which Italy had expressed the desire to share proved disappointing to Signor Mussolini. The French Government interpreting literally the original tri-partite agreement between Great Britain, France, and Spain, did not see their way to meet Signor Mussolini's view that, the war having altered the balance of power in the Mediterranean, any new terms should include Italy's participation. On being furnished with the text of the new Tangier statute, Italy, on June 10, notified her refusal to subscribe to its conditions, at the same time despatching a force of carabinieri to the Italian Legation at Tangier for the protection of the interests of her nationals.

The visit of Ras Tafari on June 18 drew attention to the development of Italy's East African dominion and her relations with Abyssinia, and also to her progress in restoring her Lybian conquests. The re-occupation of Tripolitania, commenced early in the year, was carried steadily forward, while the summer campaign with the re-occupation of Bengasi and the Cyrenaic coast towns and the repulse of rebel tribes towards the Egyptian frontier showed the Italian determination to allow no border raiding. The occupation of inland oases aroused a certain anxiety in Cairo, and rumours of a coup de main on Solum became rife. The anxiety was allayed by the Italian offer of a boundary commission, negotiations for which have been opened by the Italian Legation at Cairo.

Signor de Stefani, Minister of Finance, Signor Nava, Minister

of National Economy, and Marchese della Torretta, Italian Ambassador in London, attended the opening session of the Reparations Conference on July 16 in London. Whilst the Italian reparations claims necessarily occupied a secondary place in the Dawes Report, Signor Mussolini's known position in the Ruhr question enabled the Italian delegates to play an important part in bringing about the final agreement. The mission returned to Italy on August 20, and Signor Mussolini signified the Government's approval two days later. The Italian Delegation at the General Assembly of the League of Nations, September 1 to October 2, took a prominent part in the debates, showing by their attitude that Italian public opinion had come round to a greater appreciation of the League as a practical factor in political relations. The security and disarmament debate was signalised by a powerful speech from Signor Schanzer (September 8) in defence of sovereign state rights, and the Italian-Swiss Treaty signed on September 20 was submitted by Signor Salandra for registration. The general disarmament and security protocol agreed upon by the Third Commission, September 22, and carried by unanimous vote of the General Assembly, had been accepted ad referendum by the Italian Delegate, Signor Salandra, and Signor Mussolini upon receipt of the text declared that the question of Italy's adhesion was a subject for further deliberation. The Italian offer to make the seat of the proposed International Institute of Law in Rome was accepted unanimously on September 26, and the Assembly before adjourning accepted the invitation to hold the winter meeting of the League Council in Rome, on December 8.

The lapse of several months had not by the end of the year allayed the feeling aroused by the Matteotti murder; outbreaks of violence and inflammatory speeches continued to work with cumulative effect upon public opinion. Notwithstanding Signor Mussolini's formal assurances of "normalisation," on the strength of which the Senate had given him a vote of confidence with practical unanimity in June, Government action in the matter appeared to the public to be tardy and reluctant. Signor Mussolini's fighting speeches to the Party Directorate, to bodies of operatives, and to volunteers, were answered by resolutions of Service Men's Associations demanding constitutional government. Proceedings at Fascist Councils and Liberal Opposition Congresses added fuel to the flames. The refusal of the War Veterans to take official part in the Fascist celebration of the March on Rome, October 28, was followed by reprisals on the part of the Fascists at the Armistice day celebrations in Rome and other cities on November 4. A certain measure of satisfaction was afforded by the swearing-in after long delay of the Militia, though this act was deprived of some of its significance by the expressed reservations of certain Fascist leaders. Public opinion therefore still remained discontented; and at the opening of the autumn Parliamentary session it was obvious that Signor