sergeant of the guard. He also was a volunteer and over military age. His high position and past services secured him the privilege of enlisting as a common soldier. He had just won his sergeant's stripes after months of service as a simple private.

Houston Stewart Chamberlain, author of The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, dedicated his Essays on the War to an eminent German professor, who, although nearly fifteen years beyond the military age, demanded to be taken as a volunteer, and now is serving in the trenches, sleeping in underground quarters.

Mention is made in another chapter of Doctor Frank, the Socialist leader, and strongest peace advocate of Europe, who volunteered at the outset, and soon afterward fell in battle; and of Doctor Südekum, now leader of the Social Democratic party, who volunteered and is now at the front.

These examples are not exceptional nor peculiar ; there are thousands like them.

Time and again, in America, one hears the question asked: "How long will German women stand this war? Why don't they end it?" You may read the answer in Tacitus, where he tells of German women fighting at their husbands' sides against the Romans. For, now as then, the answer is, first, that German women are prepared to stand this war until Germany triumphs or is destroyed: and second, that they do not want it ended until Germany is victorious.

"My son, my husband, my all I gladly give in this sacred cause," said a prominent German woman.

"I glory that my brother fell for Germany. I wish

I could go myself," said a young woman of the working class, whose betrothed also was in the field.

"I never have heard nor read of anything like it,' said Baroness Speck von Sternberg, (an American woman) widow of the well known and much liked late German Ambassador to the United States. "The calm willingness to sacrifice all, which German women are displaying, can not be believed unless one sees and hears it." And Baroness von Sternberg gave many illustrations within her own knowledge. "And," said she, “you may quote what I have said, and give my

name.'

A widow, whose two sons and son-in-law are serving in the ranks, declared that she was proud to have them go because "this is a just war." This woman was a Swiss, who had married a German.

"I would not have the war end now, nor would any German girl or woman of my acquaintance," said Miss Strauss, a young business woman, met at luncheon at the house of Doctor Südekum, the Socialist leader. "It must not end," said she, "until Germany wins. The German woman grieves, but gladly bears her burden. It is our duty." Time and time and time again, from both men and women, rich and poor, you hear that one word "duty!"

A rich woman of Hamburg asked her bank for fifteen thousand marks, immediately. She could have had one hundred fifty thousand marks immediately; "but," said the banker, with that guardian-like care of his clients peculiar to bankers, "what do you want with fifteen thousand marks?"

"My three sons are at the front. Two of them still

are there," she answered; "but my third son was wounded so that he can not fight any more. But I want him to go back with his brothers and act as chauffeur (a service often as hazardous as that of the trenches!) and I want this money to buy an automobile for him. I want no son of mine at home while this war lasts!"

"Ask my little son how he feels," said Frau von Xylander, of Munich, wife of the Major-Adjutant at headquarters of the VI army. "I only wish I had twelve sons old enough to serve by their father's side. Gladly would I give them all for Germany. Every woman I know feels as I do. German women glory in their sacrifice for our country. To give is our duty, the noblest of duties. I know of no German woman who has shown weakness." And Frau von Xylander gave examples, as Baroness von Sternberg had done. "And," said she, "I unreservedly consent to your writing what I have said, and using my name."

These examples are typical of all those coming under personal observation. It is believed that they fairly represent the general sentiment of German women. If so, the American reader may judge for himself of the depth of German feeling and the height of German resolve.

Disagree if you will with their opinion on the war; but do not deny the German people's sincerity, do not cavil at their heroism. Remember, always, that, as far as Germany is concerned, this is the people's war. "You can not, Sir," said Edmund Burke, "indict a people."

VII

GERMAN THOUGHT BACK OF THE WAR—I*

Savant, Shipping Genius, Business Man

HAT a people are thinking when at war, is

WHA

as vital a fact as guns and ammunition. To state this is too serious a matter for the careful student to undertake exclusively on his own responsibility, no matter how painstaking his investigation. For one can never be sure that he is interpreting another's view correctly. But if that other himself states his own thought, a degree of accuracy is secured. This course has been followed in presenting German thought and feeling as it was during the sixth and seventh months of the war.

The same method, of course, was adopted in France and England as will appear in succeeding chapters.

The present chapter is a careful report of conversations with representatives of various classes of the German people, scholars, business men, Socialists, Trades Unionists. Out of many interviews, five typical ones are reproduced in this and the following chapter.

They were written out and submitted to the person conversed with, who altered or verified the transcript

*These conversations occurred during January, 1915.

and authorized publication. They, therefore, may be considered reasonably reliable.

They are not, of course, in any sense a presentation of Germany's case.* These conversations are the familiar talk of representative German men, all of them extremely busy; and they give casually and in offhand fashion typical German thought as it was after half a year of conflict. Incidentally, they deal with some subjects much discussed in America.

The writer acts merely as a reporter—a medium through which the ideas prevailing and the facts existing, as they really are, in three countries at war, are conveyed to the American public. While the student of peoples at war must maintain sympathetic serious

The American public is of course familiar with the German view of the deep source of the war. The Germans believe that the pan-Slavist program, which is racial and religious, included the break-up of the Austrian Empire; that Servia was the Russian agency through which this was being brought about; that with Austria destroyed, Germany would be entirely surrounded by enemies, practically cut off from the world, and her very existence imperiled; that Russia knew that Germany must therefore fight to save Austria (which Germany's alliance with Austria also bound Germany to do) and so Russia mobilized on Germany's frontiers; that the fact that Russia did not stop mobilizing when asked to do so meant war; and, hence, that Germany was forced to strike or be overwhelmed. Thus, in the German mind, the war on Germany's part was and is purely defensive.

As to France, the Germans say that Germany would not have attacked her except for the absolute certainty that France would attack Germany as she was bound to do by her alliance with Russia.

The most curious feature of the war is the fact that not only do the Germans declare that they have no rancor toward France or the French; on the contrary, as stated in Chapter VI, the expressions heard in Germany during the sixth month of the war were distinctly friendly to the French.

But, during the sixth month of the war, when these conversations took place, German thought was that Great Britain was