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Statement: The Foreign Minister of the all-white Government of South Africa further stated, "* * * The system of education in South West Africa is directly in line with the modern approach to schooling in Africa-the emphasis being on the importance of African cultures in the education of the African youth ***." Fact: There is absolutely no truth whatsoever in this assertion. Indeed Mr. President, the philosophy of education which governs the education of Africans in Namibia is based on the notorious policy statement of the late Dr. Verwoerd (when he was Minister of Bantu Administration and Education) that the ". Black child's education must be geared towards preparing him for subservient position in society. . . not to give false hopes to want to aspire to the position of the white-man who must remain his master Nothing has happened in the past twenty years or more to prove that this policy has been scrapped. On the contrary, there is all the evidence to prove that education of the African in Namibia has deteriorated.

Statement: The Minister stated inter alia, that "*** the standard is the same as that of the Whites in South and South West Africa ***."

Fact: Mr. President, society in all its spheres-the sphere of education includedis organized on the basis of race discrimination in Namibia. This is the very basis of apartheid. It is therefore shocking to hear the Representative of the white section of the society contending contrary to the very philosophy of apartheid— that whites and blacks receive the same education in Namibia. In fact, Mr. President, the assertion implies that whites and blacks receive the same educational opportunity (ies) in Namibia. What then is Bantu education? Dr. Mueller conveniently omitted to mention the system of Bantu education. It was conveniently avoided for very obvious reasons. The fact is that education for whites is free and compulsory whereas the same cannot be said of the education of the Africans.

In more than forty years of its maladministration of Namibia, the white government of South Africa dismally failed to prepare our people by providing them with meaningful education which would enable them to run a modern government when Namibia becomes independent. Bantu education can certainly not prepare us to handle the complexities of modern establishments.

This does not mean that we ourselves have been idle. I am pleased to state here, Mr. President, that SWAPO, of Namibia in its short existence has educated more Namibians than South Africa did in over the past fifty years. Through our initiatives I am proud and happy to announce that in the past ten years, we have educated 25 engineers, 4 medical doctors—including the first African woman doctor, 7 lawyers and more than 35 holders of university degrees in various fields. To some, these figures may appear modest and insignificant. To us, who have been denied so much for so long, it is a record of which we are justly proud and are determined to improve upon. Our sincere thanks must go to all those countriesboth members and non-members of this organization-who generously gave scholarships for our people to undertake further studies. It is our hope that they will continue doing so in the future.

Statement: Dr. Mueller further stated, ". . . it is our conviction that the peoples of South West Africa wish us to continue to administer the Territory until they have achieved full self-determination under our guidance...'

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Fact: The truth is that the people of Namibia have never accepted and will never accept the Administration of South Africa. In this respect we can do no better than cite some of the recent developments inside Namibia which categorically prove our people's outright rejection of the South African Government. Again, for obvious reasons, Dr. Mueller did not mention these developments.

As we stated earlier, the people of Namibia enthusiastically welcomed and approved the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on the 21st of June, 1971. Perhaps the most significant development following the Court's Advisory Opinion has been the position and stand taken by the African church leaders in Namibia. The church occupies an esteemed position among our people, and its leaders are no less esteemed than the political leaders of our country most of whom are either in jail, detention or in exile today.

Two very influential leaders of the Ovambokavango Lutheran Church and Evangelical Lutheran Church, following the Court's Advisory Opinion, addressed an open letter to the Prime Minister of white South Africa on the 30th of June, 1971. This letter is a historic document of far reaching consequences in our struggle for freedom and independence in Namibia. Copies are being circulated in the United Nations and therefore I am not going to quote it in full. However, I will quote some of the relevant parts for the information of the Security Council.

"We believe that South Africa in its attempts to develop South West Africa has failed to take cognizance of Human Rights as declared by U.N.O. in the year 1948 with respect to non-white population." Furthermore, the letter goes on to state ***"The Church Boards' urgent wish is that in terms of the World Court and in cooperation with U.N.O. of which South Africa is a member, your government will seek a peaceful solution to the problems of our land and will see to it that Human Rights be put into operation and that South West Africa may become a self-sufficient and independent state."

The letter was signed by Bishop Dr. Auala and Moderator Gowaseb of Evangelical Ovambokavango Church and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of South West Africa, respectively.

Mr. President, the impact this open letter had on the white population of Namibia was traumatic as it was hysterical. The same impact was felt in South Africa. The Prime Minister of white South Africa, John Vorster, flew to Windhoek and had a four-hour confrontation with a delegation of eight led by the two courageous spiritual leaders. They were threatened and intimidated but they firmly stood by the open letter they sent to the Prime Minister. They also reiterated their stand in rejecting the condemnation of the local whites who could not understand their government's failure to silence these spiritual leaders once and for all.

Again, Mr. President, let me cite another example of the countrywide protests against South Africa's illegal presence in Namibia. This time, I refer to the anti-government demonstrations by secondary as well as high school students in many parts of the country.

When the Foreign Minister of the all-white South African Government addressed the Security Council the other day, he mentioned the Ongwediva Training Institute in Ovamboland which he described as * * * an impressive complex comprising three institutions in one-a high school, a teacher training center and a trade center ***"

What the Minister failed to mention is that Ongwediva Training Institute, since its establishment, has been nothing but a perennial source of trouble for the South African occupation authorities. There have been so many antigovernment demonstrations at this training institute. The biggest of these occurred after the Court's Advisory Opinion when the South African government was forced to close down the institution. Hundreds of students were expelled because of this political demonstration in favour of the Court's opinion. It was therefore perplexing to hear the South African Minister talk in such laudatory terms of this institute which is indeed the center of protest by the young generation of our country.

Not only is Ongwediva a symbol of new nationalism in Namibia but it is also here that many students were expelled because they refused to accept the Africans language as a medium of instruction. This came as a profound shock to the South African authorities.

Similar demonstrations have taken place at the Augustineum High School in Windhoek where 70 students were expelled only last week.

Mr. President, we have cited these important examples to demonstrate to the world that contrary to South Africa's claim that our people wish to remain under her administration, the people want an immediate end to South African rule. It is because our people want the immediate end to South African rule that the Court's opinion was accepted with such enthusiam by our people.

We are aware of the claims by the South African Government that chaos and disorder will inevitably follow in the wake of its withdrawal. Mr. President, this contention is based on sheer imagination and has been repeatedly used to cast doubts on the integrity and ability of the Namibian people.

For centuries the people of Namibia of all ethnic groups have lived side by side in peace and harmony. Warfare and strife was unknown to them. It was only at the advent of German colonialism, with its usurpation of our land and property, that we began to taste the bitter fruit of discord and conflict. SWAPO, therefore, wishes to reiterate that we recognize the contribution that all people in Namibia must make, including those who came as settlers from Europe, for the general well-being and prosperity of our country. The white people have nothing to fear as long as they play a constructive role in the reconstruction of the country.

Another fallacy often proclaimed by South Africa is that the economic structure of Namibia will collapse once her Administration is replaced. Nothing could

be further from the truth. For the interests of Namibians dictate that the economy must be strengthened and expanded in order to insure the well-being of its citizens. The only source from which disruption could come is from the South African Government to sabotage the economy of Namibia; there is no prospect that this will ever happen from any other quarter.

Mr. President, I wish to declare in the name of the People of Namibia that unless this august body acts decisively to secure the withdrawal of South Africa from the international territory of Namibia, we shall have no alternative but to continue the armed struggle with greater intensity. We do not love bloodshed, but when we are dealing with a government like South Africa which believes in violence and bloodshed we must be prepared to meet it on its own terms. Our struggle may be long and protracted; our struggle may be bloody and costly in terms of human life; it is a price we are prepared to pay for our independence.

In conclusion, Mr. President, I shall be failing in my duty if I did not express our gratitude to the illustrious son of Africa, His Excellency, the President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, for his moving address he delivered on behalf of the Organization of African Unity. May I also avail myself of this opportunity to extend our sincere thanks to five Foreign Ministers who accompanied him and the entire O.A. U. membership through them.

For further information contact the following members of SWAPO Delegation: Moses Garoeb; Peter Mueshihange; Peter Katjavivi; Hage Geingob.

SWAPO Office, 657 W. 161st Street, New York, New York 10032, (212) 795-4008.

APPENDIX 22

STATEMENT BY TOIVO HERMAN JA TOIVO

INTRODUCTION

Toivo was born in 1924 of a catechist teacher at a Finnish Mission. When he was only 10 his elder brother died, and soon after, his father died from tuberculosis which he contracted while he was working in the American owned Tsumeb lead mines.

From then on with the help of a cousin, he supported his mother. A Finnish missionary took an interest in him and taught him simple history, geography, and carpentry, but this teaching was interrupted by the outbreak of war and eventually he enlisted in 1942.

In 1945, he decided to begin his schooling all over again, and at the age of 21 he began in the first form. He made rapid progress and was particularly brilliant at English, doing so well that he was offered a job as a chief's secretary although still only in the fourth grade. However, he turned the job down because the chief was a government's puppet and was collaborating with the racist government to oppress his people.

Moving to Cape Town on another job, he found there a number of other Namibians and he started to organize them into a politically active group. In 1959, Toivo smuggled his famous taperecorded petition to the UN out of South Africa hidden inside a copy of "Gulliver's Travels." The petition caused a sensation at the United Nations and the publicity that his petition received in the world's press brought the Security Branch Police down on him and he was given 72 hours to get out of Cape Town, South Africa (for, he was not a citizen of South Africa) and to go home to Namibia, South West Africa.

Moving north, after a brief spell in jail for entering a Tsumeb mine without a permit, Mr. Toivo finally got to Ovamboland. To start, he was put in the "care" of puppet chief Kambonde. The chief's first action was to appoint a man to follow Toivo everywhere with a gun. "This nuisance must not be allowed to hold meetings, or write letters abroad, or leave Ovamboland. If

he tries to cross the boundary to leave Ovamboland, he must be shot immediately." Mr. Toivo has been under this solitary confinement ever since. However, after puppet chief Kambonde's death, he started again to expose the sordid policies of apartheid.

As an active member and the founding leader of SWAPO, Toivo was arrested illegally in the United Nation's Territory in 1966 along with other officers and freedom fighters of SWAPO. These Freedom Fighters were charged for "Terrorism Activities" and conspiring to overthrow the South African illegal Administration in South West Africa. The act under which they were charged is the ex post facto law that is retroactive to 1962 and carries a maximum of death penalty and a minimum of five years imprison

ment.

The so-called judge handed down his findings on January 26, 1968. The "Judge" then asked the men to plea in mitigation. It was during these pleas that Mr. Toivo made this famous speech knowing full well that it was going to give him harsher punishment. Mr. Toivo was, therefore, sentenced for 20 years with 8 others, 19 were sentenced for life, and 2 for 5 years. The South West Africa People's Organization strongly condemns the Voster regime's Police acts of aggression, and naked murder of the Namibians. We, therefore, call upon all democratic and peace loving Governments, Organizations and individuals to join us in demanding the unconditional release of all SWAPO Freedom Fighters, those who were already sentenced and those who are now being tried; for they are only fighting for their birthright-self-determination and independence. Therefore, they are not "terrorists" but patriots who are fighting for their own country which has been robbed of them. On the contrary, South African racists are the real terrorists, because they terrorize the whole world and the United Nations.

My Lord,

We find ourselves here in a foreign country, convicted under laws made by people whom we have always considered as foreigners. We find ourselves tried by a Judge who is not our countryman and who has not shared our background.

When this case started, Counsel tried to show that this Court had no jurisdiction to try us. What they had to say was of a technical and legal nature. The reasons may mean little to some of us, but it is the deep feeling of all of us that we should not be tried here in Pretoria.

You, my Lord, decided that you had the right to try us, because your Parliament gave you that right. That ruling has not and could not have changed our feelings. We are Namibians and not South Africans. We do not now, and will not in the future recognise your right to govern us; to make laws for us in which we had no say; to treat our country as if it were your property and us as if you were our masters. We have always regarded South Africa as an intruder in our country. This is how we have always felt and this is how we feel now, and it is on this basis that we have faced this trial.

I speak of "we" because I am trying to speak not only for myself, but for others as well, and especially for those of my fellow accused who have not had the benefit of any education. I think also that when I say "we," the overwhelming majority of non-white people in South West Africa would like to be included.

We are far away from our homes; not a single member of our families has come to visit us, never mind be present at our trial. The Pretoria Gaol, the Police Headquarters at Compol, where we were interrogated and where statements were extracted from us, and this Court is all we have seen of Pretoria. We have been cut off from our people and the world. We all wondered whether the headmen would have repeated some of their lies if our people had been present in Court to hear them.

The South African Government has again

shown its strength by detaining us for as long as it pleased; keeping some of us in solitary confinement for 300 to 400 days and bringing us to its Capital to try us. It has shown its strength by passing an Act especially for us and having it made retrospective. It has even chosen an ugly name to call us by. One's own are called patriots, or at least rebels; your opponents are called Ter

rorists.

A Court can only do justice in political cases if it understands the position of those that it has in front of it. The State has not only wanted to convict us, but also to justify the policy of the South African Government. We will not even try to present the other side of the picture, because we know that a Court that has not suffered in the same way as we have, can not understand us. This is perhaps why it is said that one should be tried by one's equals. We have felt from the very time of our arrest that we were not being tried by our equals but by our masters, and that those who have brought us to trial very often do not even do us the courtesy of calling us by our surnames. Had we been tried by our equals, it would not have been necessary to have any discussion about our grievances. They would have been known to those set to judge us.

It suits the Government of South Africa to say that it is ruling South West Africa with the consent of its people. This is not true. Our organisation, S.W.A.P.O., is the largest political organisation in South West Africa. We considered ourselves a political party. We know that whites do not think of blacks as politicians-only as agitators. Many of our people, through no fault of their own, have had no education at all. This does not mean that they do not know what they want. A man does not have to be formally educated to know that he wants to live with his family where he wants to live, and not where an official chooses to tell him to live; to move about freely and not require a pass; to earn a decent wage; to be free to work for the person of his choice for as long as he wants; and finally, to be ruled by the people that he wants to be ruled by, and not those who

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