cerned about its immediate economic advantage and maintaining stability in southern Africa by resisting any upset in "responsible" White rule. It would be a tragedy if the United States government would throw away the opportunity for strengthening the strong ties she has with Black Africa built up during a century of missionary endeavor, and also the ideological ties of racial integration and cultural pluralism, and developing ties with Black Americans, simply to take advantage of a Chrome Sale from a little country whose illegal government is going bankrupt.

It may also be helpful to give our impressions of the successes of guerrilla fighting before the present ceasefire related to the recent attempts at negotiating a settlement. We did not ourselves see any fighting but Nyadiri United Methodist Centre where my wife and I lived and worked for the past 8 years is located in the area referred to in Rhodesia as the "operational area." We do know of specific incidents of guerrilla activity that took place within 3 miles of the Centre. Both my wife and I worked in institutions which involved persons from over a large geographic area (I taught in the Teacher Training College and my wife was a doctor in a large 200 bed hospital.) Through my ten years of contributing political cartoons to our church paper Umboico and in our effort to maintain a life style that made our home very open to African friends (and strangers) we benefitted from the communication network built on the African extended family. We have chosen not to be specific in identifying our specific sources of information in the impressions given below so that you can feel free to use it as you choose. We would only like to emphasize that these sources were very numerous and varied and ranged from eye-witness accounts confirmed by several witnesses to rumors that had passed through many mouths and had taken on the form of a kind of oral folklore-the significance of the latter source being more in the obvious relish with which the story tellers described the sensational victories of a handful of "the boys" (vakomana vaya-the Shona phrase for the guerrilla liberation soldiers) over well-equipped, large units of government European troops.

In both official news sources and in the oral folk news channels there is a clear picture of extensive penetration of liberation forces into the North-east of Rhodesia during the period 1973-1975 coming to within 50 miles north of Salisbury and including a large are making a 90 degree quarter of a circle with Salisbury as the axis-being the northeast corner of the Rhodesian border with Mozambique, an arc of border approximately 150 miles from Salisbury. We are under the impression that within an approximate 15 mile area inland from the Mozambique border within this arc there are large pockets of areas which some have referred to as "liberated areas." One informant told us of seeing from a distance the flag of a liberation camp fluttering in broad daylight in an area further inland than 15 miles. In these areas close to the borders in places where there have been scenes of harsh fighting between government and liberation forces families have chosen either to cross over the border into now peaceful Mozambique or move inland with friends and relatives further from the border. Official government sources report that some of these families have chosen to enter the "protected village" enclosures, but we have not heard of anyone doing this voluntarily. As we move in from these outer border areas the penetration is more that of bands of sometimes up to 30 men (and women) moving from place to place over a large area and instigating various patterns of incidents of "terrorist activity." A frequent pattern is the arrival at an isolated store (preferably either European owned or financed) and demanding food supplies and then demanding that the manager report the incident and the direction of the movement of their group. Preparation is then made to receive the government forces by placing landmines along the route to their camp. Other incidents have to do with efforts to intimidate and ridicule African chiefs or government employees who have been too cooperative with government policies. The incidents of brutality on the part of liberation forces have been associated with the "punishment" of informers and attacks on isolated European farmers who, according to African sources, are known to have been "bad" in their treatment of Africans. (Brutality on the part of government forces have been extensively and carefully documented by the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission and are mostly related to efforts to force information from African villagers and from incidents of "revenge" for "terrorists attacks" and incidents related to curfew rules.) Official government reports give statistics of heavy "terrorist" losses compared to light government troop losses. African sources report heavy European casualties with truckloads of

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corpses and mass burial sites (some of the latter reports from what we consider close, reliable sources). Uniformed government troops and military vehicles are common sights on highways and even on our mission centre. On the other hand reports of personal encounters with "Freedom fighters" either as individuals › visiting their homes or in more formal meetings in which liberation forces explain their objectives to local groups are not uncommon. In spite of a war situation in which there are opposing sides each with national and international supportRhodesian forces to not treat captives as "war prisoners" but these captives are tried and punished according to a series of laws on subversion many of which carry mandatory death sentences. And in spite of the fact that one of the crimes requiring the death sentence is that of recruiting for liberation forces, we were told from outside Rhodesia that the number of recruits leaving the country each month were about 100 and that there were some 10,000 trained liberation troops now stationed in Mozambique waiting for orders to return to their homeland in the struggle for freedom. Our hope and prayer is that the Smith regime will choose to negotiate a fair settlement which will guarantee the progress of the Black majority to full participation in the government of their country and that the immense suffering that a full scale invasion would involve be avoided. But we are convinced that a Black majority government will be established and Zimbawe will become a political fact within the next few years (some say months) in whatever way it will be achieved.

2. Our response to arguments that Blacks in Rhodesia are provided equal educational, employment and social opportunities and further comments on the resettlement camp situation:

This is the area which we have the most to say and time is running out in terms of immediate commitments so that we must postpone these comments to a later time. We decided that we had better send these first comments to you now so that you may be using them if they are usable and at this time we can simply hint at some of the areas of discussion we would like to include.

Educational opportunities: we would like to compare expenditures (we think it is about 2% of national income for African education and about 2% for the separate European-Asian-Coloured educational system-an approximately equal sum for the children of the 5,500,000 on the one hand and the children of the 250,000 on the other-this compares to the 8% I recently saw as a figure for educational expenditure in Kenya. The fee structure is quite different in the two systems with African children carrying a much larger percentage of the education of their children. The African child that cannot pay fees must leave school. Compulsory education only applies to the European child and if fees cannot be paid by parents, children are kept in school (even boarding schools if necessary) by social welfare. Some limited social welfare money is available for African school children but this is limited mainly to certain urban areas and situations. Technical schools which were at one time open to a limited intake of African students have now been closed to African students. The one technical school (at the post high school level) ever opened for primarily African intake was closed after graduates faced difficulties in finding apprenticeship opportunities. Some of the few that got apprenticeship places had to face hostile journeymen who did all they could to block the progress of African apprentices. I could give many examples such as a former student who worked his way into computer engineering who met continuous frustration and blocks to his progress in Rhodesia and moved to Zambia where he quickly moved up in his work to be one of the most valuable men in the firm to Rhodesian Africans working outside Rhodesia because they cannot get employment at home in fields that Rhodesia is lacking-e.g. engineering fields.

The Rhodesian Front Party came to power with one of its chief platforms that of stopping and reversing the trends to integration that began during Federation days. We remember so well the full page ads in the Rhodesia Herald in which a close up of the lower half of some school girls in school uniforms in which some of the legs were white and some black and the caption-Are we ready for this? After the RF came to power further integration in many areas were halted and private schools that had been given previous permission to be multiracial were given quota restrictions (6% limit of African intake in previous all white schools and 13% African intake into previous Coloured schools). RF government officials have since being in office attempted to end multiracial sports in interschool competition and introduced and passed legislation making it

possible for Europeans to remove Coloured and Asian residents from their residential areas (All land according to the Land Tenure Act is already divided into African and Non-African (European, Asian, Coloured) and the one small area set aside in Salisbury for multiracial occupation government officials have in recent years tried to change to admit only people of mixed marriages.)

There are a few of the most expensive hotels open to all races, but the majority are clearly (and legally) for Europeans only.

Time has run out to even begin the story of the resettlement camps. The policy was officially stated in a newspaper report in which a passage from Chm. Mao's sayings that a revolutionary is like a fish in water. The policy of the resettlement camps was to separate the fish from the water in which they can survive. The unfortunate aspect of this policy is that the "water" are thousands of people who have invested life savings in their small Tribal Trust Land holdings and these are destroyed or abandoned forcing whole communities into wire enclosure assigned families to each 15 sq. meters (a family may include grandparents, aunts and uncles), whole familes and moveable property being dumped in the new location and left the task to build their house and reconstruct their lives in these crowded settlements. We estimated more than 80,000 people in about 40 such concentration camps and letters we have received since leaving Rhodesia in late March is that the policy is being continued and the threat of new removals being made to as yet untouched villages. In the court case in which I was tried a government official confirmed that it was official government policy to place all in the northeast region into these "protection villages" and that it was simply a matter of time and finances to complete the operation. I hope I can find time to describe in more details of conditions in certain of the camps that I have information about-since both policy and conditions varied a good deal in each camp.

I hope the above responses may be some immediate help to you. Let us know what your time table is for this particular legislative battle so that we can set ourselves some deadlines in case we have time to share more information with you.

Thank you again for your stand on this issue. Do not hesitate to ask any additional questions or any additional assignments that may help you in this effort to repeal the Byrd Amendment.

Sincerely yours,

MORGAN JOHNSON.

Mr. BENNETT. We all ought to take notice of the fact there are a lot of things, even in this great country of ours, which I think the man testifying and sitting in the witness chair this moment would say would be subject to criticism. There are many things we do in this country which only a small minority of the country are interested in doing. We spend lots of money on this sort of thing in this country, and have lots of positions based on it. We are really not in a position to point such an awfully big finger at other countries doing things when we ourselves do things which the majority of the people in this country do not approve.

Mr. BUCHANAN. I am grateful we do have a system of public education aimed at all the children rather than the situation I just described.

I think it has to be said that the system within Rhodesia is one in which the 95 percent majority blacks are second class citizens, and I'm sure that the 5 percent white minority may feel in good conscience they are being tolerant and bearing the "white man's burden" rather well.

The resultant system. I am afraid from a black majority view, would be one they would interpret as oppression. For example on the specific point of whom we would hurt having the Byrd amendment repealed, I would like to quote Rev. Canaan Bonana who is in jail in Rhodesia, He testified:

Your purchase of Rhodesian chrome, ferrochrome and nickel and other minerals directly contribute invaluable dollars to the Smith regime, which is desperately looking for foreign exchange to meet its need to purchase arms, ammunition, transportation equipment and replacements for the vital infra-structure of the economy. Without foreign exchange, the Rhodesian minority regime cannot survive. In the first 11 months of 1974, the United States imported Rhodesian minerals worth $19 million. Since the Byrd amendment was adopted, over $62 million of foreign exchange has been provided to the illegal Smith regime by U.S. purchases of Rhodesian minerals. If it had not been for the disruption of the rail lines from Rhodesia through Mozambique by FRELIMO forces, the ZANU forces and the strike of Mozambican dockers for well-deserved raises, the 1974 totals might well have exceeded the $30 million worth imported in 1973 by your country. If you vote to restore sanctions, it will be helping, not hurting us, the six million Africans who make up over 95% of the population. The African people are ready to make the sacrifices demanded by the application of economic sanctions. Zimbabwe is our country, and if we say that sanctions are not an interference in our affairs, we wonder what authority you will cite for the proposition that it is. Mr. BENNETT. I don't know how we will get through with this in time. We are doing it in favor of your committee. I wasn't asked to hold these hearings until the day before yesterday. I have not had responsibility for this until almost right now. I have been asked to consider what took months and months and months in your committee to go into in this matter. I was not even apprised it was going to be before my committee, and I was not told until a couple of days ago I had to hurry up and get this through before we get down to the August recess. I am trying to do that. I don't know whether we can or not. I am pointing out, I don't want to labor the content of this record to the point where it can't get published.

If you have real long documents, you might make excerpts from them. If it is only a page or two, without objection they will be put in. Mr. BUCHANAN. Thank you very much.

As to the quality of the Russian ore compared with the Rhodesian `ore, I would like to get a little more specific. This is from a pamphlet prepared by the United Steel Workers of America-but they are quoting the Ferro Alloys Association. (See Appendix I, p. 152.) Í have been informed it has been put in the record so I won't belabor the point. The specifics are, Russian ore has 54 percent chrome oxide and has a 4-to-1 chrome-to-iron ratio, whereas the Rhodesian ore has only 48 percent chrome oxide, and has only a 3-to-1 chrome-to-iron ratio. Mr. BENNETT. The Russian is a better type of ore than the Rhodesian?

Mr. BUCHANAN. Yes.

Mr. BENNETT. We would be safer in relying on Russia as far as getting good material?

[Laughter.]

Mr. BUCHANAN. I would take some care in answering that, but it is better ore.

As to the degree of our reliance on the Rhodesian ore, and the sources from which we are now obtaining both chrome and ferrochrome, I have a one-sheet page, which is from the U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, bringing the picture up to date through April of 1975. I would point out at this point in history that, of the metallurgical grade chrome, while we are obtaining right now 60 percent from the Soviet Union, only 8 percent is coming from Rhodesia.

Of the low carbon ferrochrome, only 4.5 percent is from Rhodesia, and of the high carbon ferrochrome, which has been the big thing in recent years we imported from them--we are at this point in history, through April of this year, importing only 5.4 percent of our supply from Rhodesia.

So, we are obtaining most of it in each category from other sources than Rhodesia at this point in history, and that might have some bearing on how big a blow it would be to the country to make this additional sacrifice of these amounts we are now importing from Rhodesia.

Now, Mr. Chairman, I said I didn't come to make a moral argument, nor will I argue international law, although I would point up, pertaining to the United Nations decision, that specifically the action taken by the United Nations came as a request of the United Kingdom, and no government in the world has recognized the Ian Smith regime as the legitimate government of Rhodesia. Indeed at the United Nations, the United Kingdom is still considered to be the legitimate government, pending the lawful transfer, and this basic situation is recognized by all other nations in that none has recognized the Ian Smith regime.

So you do have a unique situation in dealing with this particular case, and country-both from the U.N. point of view, and from our country's point of view.