and the Midlands, the Chartists tried to take London by storm, they failed badly; and the thinly attended meeting which was held in Palace Yard in September 1838 was a ridiculous affair. When, later, the delegates to the Chartist Convention came to London, they soon felt themselves ill at ease in an uncongenial atmosphere, and eventually transferred themselves to Birmingham, as being a more suitable centre of propaganda and action. Observe that the day on which, having reached Birmingham, they issued their manifesto to the English people, was the very day on which Barbès and Blanqui, with a handful of insurgents behind them, seized several public buildings in Paris, and for a few hours held the police and army at bay. The coup de main of Barbès and Blanqui was a failure of course; both men were thrown into prison, not to be released for years. But it was a caricature of what had succeeded in 1830 and was to succeed again in 1848. Nothing of the kind happened, or could happen in England.

There were riots, Chartist riots, in the course of 1839; but they occurred first in Birmingham, and then, still further away from the capital, in the distant Welsh town of Newport. So that at last English public opinion realised that London was safe from the peril of a Jacobin or pseudo-Jacobin revolution. Chartism was

a thing not of London but of the provinces, not of the South but of the North. As a political movement (and we must never forget that the Chartist programme was emphatically a political programme), Chartism was the ebb of the big Radical upheaval which, having begun in 1817 and 1819, had in 1832 all but broken down the dam. As a social movement it was nothing but one of those fits of unrest which periodically disturbed the industrial North, the last and impotent outburst of what in the earlier part of the century had been called Luddism.

ELIE HALÉVY.

Art. 5.-TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES.

1. The Voyage of Captain Don Felipe González to Easter Island, in 1770-1. Edited by B. Glanvill Corney, I.S.O. Charts and Plates. (Hakluyt Society.) 1903.

2. A New Account of East India and Persia. By John Fryer, M.D., F.R.S. Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by William Crooke, B.A. Three vols. 1909-15. 3. The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti by Emissaries of Spain, 1772-76. Compiled from original documents, and edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by B. Glanvill Corney, I.S.O. With Charts, Plans, and Plates. Three vols. 1913-18.

4. Cathay and the Way thither. A Collection of Mediaval Notices of China. Translated and edited by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., C.B., R.E. New edition, revised throughout by Prof. Henri Cordier, of the Institut de France. Four vols. 1913-16.

5. The Book of Duarte Barbosa : an Account of Countries bordering on the Indian Ocean... about 1518 A.D. Translated from the Portuguese, and edited by M. Longworth Dames, I.C.S. (retired). Vol. I. 1918.

And other works.

ORAL and written narratives of voyages of discovery have naturally occupied a conspicuous place in the legends and the epics of maritime peoples from the earliest historical times; and travels by land into remote or previously unknown regions have consistently enjoyed a similar measure of renown, with the result, as we see to-day, that explorers who

'Wand'ring from clime to clime, observant stray'd,

Their manners noted, and their states survey'd,'

have been honoured in their lifetimes as public benefactors or national heroes, and have left undying names. The half-legendary fame of Hanno the Carthaginian and Pytheas the Massilian, the navigation of Onesicratus, the Norsemen's sagas of their voyages to Greenland and Labrador, the remarkable songs and traditions of Polynesian migrants and other ocean-rangers, all testify to the enduring public impression made by exploits of

this class. Even the reputed wanderings of Ulysses, and the mystic occupations of Eneas and Palinurus, point the same moral; while the more definite and matterof-fact writings of Herodotus, of Diodorus the Sicilian, and of Strabo, display cogitations and beliefs which those authors could not have discussed without some wider knowledge of the world than their own travels could give them, and which must therefore be ascribed to reports brought by other adventurers before their era.

In later times the narratives of medieval seafarers supplied our forefathers with a fund of information which not only advanced the science and art of navigation and promoted oversea commerce, but also helped to spread abroad the reputation of the explorers' respective nations, and to sow the seeds of progress among primitive and far-off peoples who lacked resources of their own for coming into touch with Western civilisation. Moreover, many early travellers have left written records, either in a fragmentary or a complete form, containing descriptive accounts of their journeys, of the routes they followed, the new products, foreign peoples, and strange customs they met with; thus imparting to the European world a knowledge of the Far East, or the Farthest West, which the inhabitants of those realms had never published beyond their own borders.

It was well affirmed by Peter Heylyn that a knowledge of History and Geography is necessary 'as well for the understanding the affairs of ages past, as for commerce and correspondency with Nations present.' And proceeding in his quaint and discursive way to emphasise the close relationship and interdependence of these two studies, each complementary and, as it were, ancillary to the other, he observes:

"'Tis true that Geography without History hath life and motion, but very unstable and at random; yet History without Geography, like a dead Carkass, hath neither life nor motion at all, or moves at best but slowly on the understanding. . . . History therefore, and Geography, if joined together crown our reading with delight and profit,' while the study of History without some knowledge of Geography is neither so pleasant nor so profitable as a judicious reader would desire to have it.'

It is just this blending of geography with history that imparts the charm to so many of the narratives penned by travellers and seamen; and a most praiseworthy labour did Richard Hakluyt, Preacher (as he usually styled himself), perform when, with incomparable industry and 'after much trauaile and cost' he compiled his great work on 'The Principall Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the English nation . . first printed in a single thinnish volume in 1589, but republished with additions in a much expanded form, filling three volumes, in 1598-1600.

Hakluyt lived, as he expressed it, in 'an Age wherein God hath raised so general a desire in the Youth of this realm to discover all parts of the Earth.' Though circumstances did not enable him to share in the active pursuit of this quest, his mind was deeply imbued with the sentiment for roving and research; for we find that, after the close of his terms as a Queen's scholar at Westminster, Hakluyt 'had waded on,' as he tells us, 'still farther and farther in the sweete studie of Cosmographie.' He was, moreover, even at that early period of his life, inspired by a great and broad-minded patriotism; and when, following his cousin Richard's footsteps, he 'grew familiarly acquainted with the chiefest Captains at sea, the greatest Merchants and the best Mariners of our nation,' the happy idea occurred to him that not to preserve the records written down by such pioneers, or stored in the minds of those still living who had done no writing, would be to squander an opportunity, nay, to evade a duty. And he deemed that the interests of his country and its future generations of statesmen, merchants, navigators, historians, and geographers called upon him, Richard Hakluyt, to perform that task, to collect such records and print them, and thus to

'file upon the Registers of perpetual Fame the Gallantrie and brave Atchievements of the People of England.'

In the words once spoken by the late Sir Clements Markham, the evil which Hakluyt set himself to alleviate was the absence of records of voyages and travels.' It is true that his predecessor, Richard Eden, had published some translations from the Decades'

of Peter Martyr, a second edition of which, augmented and revised by Richard Willes, appeared in 1577, the year when Hakluyt proceeded to the degree of M.A. at Oxford. But, of all the English voyages that had been undertaken for a century before, most had by that time been utterly forgotten; and even of the memorable achievement of John Cabot there was neither a map nor a scrap of writing, so that the precise situation of his landfall is still a much argued question to-day.

Hakluyt looked upon such a void as a great national calamity; and he devoted many of the best years of his life to remedying it. He felt that the preservation and publication of such records would not only serve (as Sir C. Markham also said) 'for keeping in remembrance brave and noble deeds for emulation by posterity,though this in itself was a good and sufficient reason for his labours-he saw also the vast importance of the information as preserved, to the seaman, the merchant, and the colonist.'

How many persons, forsooth, of the tens of thousands who annually visit the Abbey of Westminster know that beneath its hallowed stones lie the mortal remains of Richard Hakluyt? And of those who have this knowledge, how many are aware of the reasons that establish his fame, or are familiar with the efforts of later generations of men of letters whom Hakluyt's example has stimulated to apply their experience and their labour to continuing the work he so worthily began? Yet it was not his secular but his clerical attainments that brought Hakluyt the honour of interment within the walls of that noble structure, in which as a Westminster scholar he had been accustomed to worship in his boyhood, and wherein, half a century later, he ministered as a Prebendary and Archdeacon. But though, for a span, the image of the cosmographer lay shrouded in the garb of the cleric, his renown as a preserver of records has long outlived any repute he may have acquired as a dignitary of the Church. No volumes of sermons issued from Hakluyt's pen. He was, indeed, only in a limited sense an author, for he produced no more than one book entirely of his own writing; and even that remained in manuscript for nearly three hundred years. Hakluyt