ing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our 5 country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions 10 of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the 15 things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the 20 future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British Ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? 25 Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? 80 Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugationthe last arguments to which kings resort. I ask, sir, what means this martial array if its purpose be not to force us to submis85 sion? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it?

Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains 5 which the British Ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in 10 vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication" What terms shall we find which have not been already ex hausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have 15 remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the Ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disre20 garded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have 25 been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be attained—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of 30 Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in 85 every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inac

tion? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means 5 which the God of Nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over 10 the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission 15 and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry Peace, peace! but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! 20 The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Al25 mighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

NOTES AND QUESTIONS

Biographical and Historical Note. Patrick Henry (1736-1799) delivered this speech at the Virginia Convention, March 28, 1775. For some years this fiery young orator had been active in Virginia in stirring up resistance to the tyrannical acts of the King. In 1774 the royal governor of that colony reported that every county was arming a company of mer for the purpose of protecting their committees which had been formed, as in the other colonies, to work out a plan of coöperation against the British government. In March, 1775, the second revolutionary convention

of Virginia met at Richmond. A resolution was offered to put the colony into a state of defense. Some delegates objected to such radical action, and it is to these men that Henry addressed the opening sentences of his speech.

The resolution was adopted. The chief command of the Virginia forces was offered to George Washington, who accepted with the words, "It is my full intention to devote my life and fortune to the cause in which we are engaged."

Discussion. 1. What were the occasion and the purpose of Patrick Henry's speech? 2. What reasons for presenting his views does Patrick Henry give in the beginning of his speech? 3. Do you think Patrick Henry expressed a truth for all time when he said, "In proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate"? 4. Find, in your history, some of the acts of the British Ministry against the Colonies in the ten years before 1775. 5. What are the arguments which Patrick Henry uses to convince the delegates of the need of immediate action? 6. What did the next gale sweeping from the north bring to their ears? 7. Compare these arguments with the views of Edmund Burke, then a member of the English Parliament, about which you read in the Introduction, page 221. 8. In this speech Patrick Henry made his language emphatic by using what we call figures of speech, such as "lamp of experience"; can you explain this and find other examples? 9. Notice that the orator attacks King George and his Ministry, together with Parliament, not the English people; name some men who spoke in Parliament for the colonies and for the English people. The "Ministry" means the British cabinet. 10. Show how an orator like Patrick Henry can, by making such a speech, play his part in building our “inheritance of freedom." 11. Apply the speech of Patrick Henry to the words of Lowell on page 217. Was this a "deed done for freedom"? How have the results of this deed "trembled on from east to west"? 12. Find in the Glossary the meaning of: magnitude; comport; subjugation; interposition; arrest; inviolate; cope; supinely; election. 13. Pronounce: illusion; siren; arduous; solace; insidious; inestimable; formidable.

Library Reading. "Immortals" (in The Youth's Companion, December 9, 1920); "Liberty or Loyalty," Dickson (in Pioneers and Patriots in American History).

My Dearest:

LETTER TO HIS WIFE

GEORGE WASHINGTON

Philadelphia, 18 June, 1775

I am now set down to write to you on a subject which fills me with inexpressible concern, and this concern is greatly aggravated 6 and increased when I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give you. It has been determined in Congress that the whole army raised for the defense of the American cause shall be put under my care, and that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take upon me the command of it.

10

You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capac15 ity, and that I should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home than I have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. But as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer 20 some good purpose. You might, and I suppose did perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that I was apprehensive I could not avoid this appointment, as I did not pretend to intimate when I should return. That was the case. It was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment, without exposing my character to such 25 censures as would have reflected dishonor upon myself and given pain to my friends. This, I am sure, could not, and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have lessened me considerably in my own esteem. I shall rely, therefore, confidently on that Providence which has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me, so not doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the fall. I

shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger of the campaign; my