• Iraq must declare fully its weapons of mass destruction programs.

• Iraq must not commit or support terrorism, or allow terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq.

• Iraq must cooperate in accounting for the missing and dead Kuwaitis and others.

• Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War.

UNSCR 688 - April 5, 1991

• "Condemns" repression of Iraqi civilian population, "the consequences of which threaten international peace and security." • Iraq must immediately end repression of its civilian population.

• Iraq must allow immediate access to international humanitarian organizations to those in need of assistance.

UNSCR 707 - August 15, 1991

• "Condemns" Iraq's "serious violation" of UNSCR 687.

• "Further condemns" Iraq's noncompliance with IAEA and its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

• Iraq must halt nuclear activities of all kinds until the Security Council deems Iraq in full compliance.

• Iraq must make a full, final and complete disclosure of all aspects of its weapons of mass destruction and missile programs.

• Iraq must allow UN and IAEA inspectors immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

• Iraq must cease attempts to conceal or move weapons of mass destruction, and related materials and facilities.

• Iraq must allow UN and IAEA inspectors to conduct inspection flights throughout Iraq.

• Iraq must provide transportation, medical and logistical support for UN and IAEA inspectors.

UNSCR 715 - October 11, 1991

• Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA Inspectors.

UNSCR 949 - October 15, 1994

• "Condemns" Iraq's recent military deployments toward Kuwait.

• Iraq must not utilize its military or other forces in a hostile manner to threaten its neighbors or UN operations in Iraq.

• Iraq must not enhance its military capability in southern Iraq.

UNSCR 1051 – March 27, 1996

Iraq must report shipments of dual-use items related to weapons of mass destruction to the UN and IAEA.

• Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

UNSCR 1060 - June 12, 1996

"Deplores" Iraq's refusal to allow access to UN inspectors and Iraq's
"clear violations" of previous UN resolutions.

Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow
immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

UNSCR 1115 - June 21, 1997

• "Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access" to UN inspectors, which constitutes a "clear and flagrant violation" of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060.

• Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to
Iraqi officials whom UN inspectors want to interview.

UNSCR 1134 - October 23, 1997

• "Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access" to UN inspectors, which constitutes a "flagrant violation" of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060.

• Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

• Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom UN Inspectors want to interview.

UNSCR 1137 - November 12, 1997

• "Condemns the continued violations by Iraq" of previous UN resolutions, including its "implicit threat to the safety of" aircraft operated by UN inspectors and its tampering with UN inspector monitoring equipment.

• Reaffirms Iraq's responsibility to ensure the safety of UN inspectors.

• Iraq must cooperate fully with UN weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

UNSCR 1154 - March 2, 1993

• Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access, and notes that any violation would have the "severest consequences for Iraq."

UNSCR 1194 - September 9, 1998

"Condemns the decision by Iraq of 5 August 1998 to suspend cooperation with" UN and IAEA inspectors, which constitutes "a totally unacceptable contravention" of its obligations under UNSCR 687, 707, 715, 1060, 1115, and 1154.

Iraq must cooperate fully with UN and IAEA weapons inspectors, and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access.

UNSCR 1205 - November 5, 1998

• "Condemns the decision by Iraq of 31 October 1998 to cease cooperation" with UN inspectors as "a flagrant violation" of UNSCR 687 and other resolutions.

Iraq must provide "immediate, complete and unconditional
cooperation" with UN and IAEA inspectors.

UNSCR 1284 - December 17, 1999

• Created the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspections Commission (UNMOVIC) to replace previous weapon inspection team (UNSCOM).

• Iraq must allow UNMOVIC "immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access" to Iraqi officials and facilities.

• Iraq must fulfill its commitment to return Gulf War prisoners.

• Calls on Iraq to distribute humanitarian goods and medical supplies to its people and address the needs of vulnerable Iraqis without discrimination.

Senator WARNER. How will we explain to the American people, if, in the wake of a future attack on the United States or U.S. interests, directly by Saddam Hussein or indirectly through surrogate terrorists equipped and directed by him, that we knew Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, that we knew he intended to manufacture and acquire even more and to use these weapons, and yet, at this time, we failed to act? Now, more than ever before, Congress, as an equal branch of the Government, must join our President and support the course he has set. We have to demonstrate a resolve within our Nation and internationally that communicates to Saddam Hussein that enough is enough. He has to be convinced that American and international resolve is real, unshakable, and enforceable if there's to be hope of any progress of disarmament of his weapons of mass destruction.

To the extent that Congress joins in support of our President and sends that message unambiguously to the international community, the United Nations, is the extent to which the forthcoming resolution of the U.N. will resolve this crisis.

I thank you.

[The prepared statement of Senator Warner follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT BY SENATOR JOHN WARNER

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I join you in welcoming Secretary Rumsfeld and General Myers back before the committee.

I begin this afternoon by commending our President, President Bush, for the leadership he has shown on the issue of the threat to the world, not just to the United States, posed by Saddam Hussein in his relentless drive to manufacture and acquire weapons of mass destruction. We would not be holding this hearing today, not be preparing for a full debate in the U.S. Senate, had not our President focused the attention of the world on this threat to freedom. This is not the United States against the Iraqi people; it is the free world against Saddam Hussein.

Mr. Chairman, on August 27, I wrote you, as a follow-on to our previous discussions, requesting that the committee hold a series of hearings on U.S. policy on Iraq. I ask unanimous consent that the text of my letter be made a part of the record of this hearing.

In 1990 and 1991, our committee's activities were critical to the congressional action on the first Gulf War resolution, which authorized the use of force against Iraq. Our committee held a series of nine hearings and two closed briefings on the situation in the Persian Gulf in the fall and winter of 1990, leading up to the historic debate on the Senate floor on January 10-12, 1991. Those hearings developed the body of fact that was used during the Senate floor debate and, indeed, the equally important public debate on Iraq. Our committee will fulfill that same important function again, together with other committees.

We started the committee's hearings on Iraq on Tuesday with testimony from the Director of Central Intelligence, George Tenet, and the acting Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, Rear Admiral Jake Jacoby, on the situation in Iraq. It was a sobering, thorough assessment that has given all members of the committee a common base of knowledge about the clear and growing threat that Saddam Hussein poses to the United States, to the region, and to the entire international community. In particular, Saddam Hussein's relentless pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and the means to deliver these weapons, represents a present threat and an immediate challenge to the international community. We must end Saddam Hussein's continued defiance of the clear pronouncements of the international community, as expressed in a series of 16 U.Ñ. Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR), beginning with the resolution which mandated the Council's terms and conditions for how the war was to end.

I remind my colleagues that the Iraqis agreed, in writing-on April 6, 1991, in a letter to the U.N. Secretary General from the Iraqi Foreign Minister-to accept the cease fire conditions, as embodied in U.N. Security Council Resolution 687. Prior to that, we all watched as Iraqi generals, at the direction of Saddam Hussein, met in a tent at the Safwan Airfield in Iraq, with General Norman Schwarzkopf, the brave commander who led the U.S. and coalition forces to victory, to discuss the conditions for a cease fire. Those conditions have never been met.

It is now most appropriate that we hear from the Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on the role of the Department of Defenseand particularly the men and women in uniform-in implementing U.S. policy toward Iraq. Most important is the readiness of our Armed Forces and their ability to carry out such military operations as may be directed in the future.

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One week ago today, our President gave an historic speech at the United Nations, challenging the U.N. to live up to its responsibilities as stated in article 1 of the U.N. Charter, ". . to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace." In my view, President Bush's speech was clearly one of the finest and most important speeches ever given by a head of state to the August assembly in the U.N. The speech dramatically elevated the level of debate and the attention of the world's leaders on Iraq's conduct and continued defiance of the U.N. It further challenged the nations of the world to think long and hard about what they expect from the United Nations-is it to be effective and relevant, and live up to its Charter; or is it to be irrelevant and fall into the dustbin of history, as did the League of Nations as the world descended into the darkness of World War II?

Of equal importance, the President's U.N. speech articulated a clear, decisive, and timely U.S. policy on Iraq-that is, to remove the threat before Iraq is able to use its WMD arsenal. The U.S. is now firmly on a course to accomplish this policy and invites the nations of the world to join. I remind my colleagues that the President's policy of regime change is the same policy that Congress adopted-with the unanimous support of the Senate—in October of 1998, and the policy that President Clinton later endorsed and vigorously defended.

Over the last several weeks, many Members of Congress and many American citizens expressed their hope for meaningful consultations between Congress and the President, as well as consultations with our allies and the U.N. Our President has done exactly that. It is now time for Congress to express to the people of our Nation and to the world its support, squarely and overwhelmingly behind our President as he leads the international community. The price of inaction is far too great if the international community fails to confront this danger, now, once and for all.

By bringing his case to the U.N., President Bush clearly demonstrated his belief that the effort to counter Saddam Hussein is an international responsibility. The United States strongly desires multilateral action. But if the U.N. fails to act, the United States-like all other member nations under the U.N. Charter-reserves unto itself the right to take whatever action is necessary to protect our people and our Nation from the threat posed by Saddam Hussein.

Predictably, the Iraqi regime has responded to the President's speech with a tactical move designed to fracture the consensus that was forming at the U.N. It is merely a trap to buy more time for Saddam Hussein to further delay compliance with international mandates, as expressed in 16 U.N. Security Council resolutions. As we contemplate the vote we will be called on to cast in the weeks ahead, it is important to remember what we know about Saddam Hussein and his actions, to date:

• We know Saddam Hussein is a tyrant who has ruthlessly suppressed and murdered all opposition, dissident elements, and potential political competitors since he assumed office in 1979 (he murdered 20 potential rivals in his own Ba'athist Party within a month of taking power).

• We know Saddam Hussein intends to dominate the region and control significant portions of world oil production, as demonstrated by his aggression against Iran in the 1980s, his invasion and annexation of Kuwait in 1990, and his continuing threats against Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the Kurds and others.

• We know Saddam Hussein has extensive stocks of chemical and biological

weapons.

• We know Saddam Hussein is aggressively seeking nuclear weapons capabilities on multiple fronts.

• We know Saddam Hussein continues to develop a variety of means to deliver his stockpile of weapons of mass destruction, both conventional and unconventional.

We know Saddam Hussein has used such weapons on his own people, using chemical weapons to kill 50-100,000 Kurds in northern Iraq in 1988. • We know Saddam Hussein has used weapons of mass destruction against another nation—even though the survival of his regime was not in doubt— when he used chemical weapons against Iranian soldiers multiple times between 1981 and 1986.

• We know Saddam Hussein has successfully used denial and deception techniques over the past decade to fool the world and U.N. inspectors about the extent of his WMD efforts and stocks.

I could go on and list other horrific conduct by Saddam, but I think the point is clear we know a great deal about this ruthless man and his brutal regime; we cannot allow the threat to continue.

How will we explain to the American people-in the wake of a future attack on the United States or U.S. interests, directly by Saddam Hussein, or indirectly through surrogate terrorists equipped and directed by him-that we knew Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, that we knew he intended to manufacture and acquire even more and to use these weapons-and yet, we failed to act. Now, more than ever, Congress, as an equal branch of government, must join our President and support the course he has set. We have to demonstrate a resolve within our Nation and internationally, that communicates to Saddam Hussein that "enough is enough." He has to be convinced that American and international resolve is real, unshakable and enforceable if there is to be any hope of progress.