much expectation, as if it had concealed some weapon of death, or as a concealed treasure about to be discovered. Its contents proved to be a writing-desk, a couple of pair of trowsers, and two pair of old hose that had been repaired, with a few pamphlets, as expected, and some loose pieces of correspondence. The keeper was not sharp enough to recollect there were secret drawers in the writing-desk: he blushed and retired with the cord that came round the parcel, for fear I should hang myself with it; but first, observing, that he should not attempt to do or say any thing with respect to my confinement, without the previous instruction and instigation of the Magistrates. I asked him, if they should instigate him to deprive me of life, whether he would be prepared to do it. He said no. I told him his rule of reasoning and conduct would apply equally as well in one instance as the other. Thus, my confinement is not only to be strictly solitary, forbidden to speak to any person in the prison, (which would require a speaking-trumpet to do it) denied the sight of a friend, relative, or servant, to procure the necessaries of life, and, lastly, to have all future communications examined, This is Dorchester Bastile, or, more properly, the English Christian Inquisition Prison. I consider my life in danger. I am in good health at present, never better; and from my mode of living, have no fear of continuing it, if I receive no foul play with poison, Wedderburn is confined in a wretched and filthy place where all prisoners are thrust in before they are examined by the doctor, and cleaned. Although pennyless, he has been denied the gaol allowance, and shall expect to hear, in a few days, of his starvation.

R. CARLILE.

SIR,

TO THE EDITOR OF THE REPUBLICAN.

I cannot refrain, after the constant reading of your publication, from admiring your constancy, intrepidity, fervour, and consistent perseverance in the cause of religious truth and political reform; but permit me to express a consideration, besides the accumulation of your ills, that of your lady and family; what prospect can you have of success, seeing a whole aristocracy is in array ready to ward off, and then retort, still more dreadfully on a female, every attack that can possibly be made on the side of change and melioration.

Allow me to remind you that this matter of reform is a wide whole, bearing upon the whole race of mankind and its destiny. I know not whether it be taken under this view by the adverse party to explain their rutless violations of law and justice. We see them all in unison, and on every occasion alike, minister and judge, magistrate and constable; even Whig and Tory, (which, in my opinion, are conflicts only of party and place,) and all the superior orders in town and country. How striking the anxiety of those lawyers to pick up and press in, whatever their volumes and the circumstances can afford to come up with their premeditated designs by juries instructed. Did not strange politics shew their influence, would there, e prevailing such ardour, a scepticism of alarm that gaius the' e ter over Letter knowledge. I do not mean, on their part, a fear of rise in the common people. But since that uncouth thing, a sort of manifesto from the soi-disant Holy Alliance, of which so little notice seems to have been taken, but affectedly since its appearance a sort of panic seems to me to have been prevailing, if it be no preconcerted mysticism, a plan against the representative system abroad, with the "inuendo" of Lord C. when he was at the Congress at Vienna. Methinks it has tacitly impressed the aristocratic party, besides finding the execution of certain rules prescribed in it, both their corrupt encroachments excused, and good conscience stifled, not to mention the menacing assumption of this holy group that England should be precluded from all communion and intercourse with the rest of Europe, if she did put under the spirit of faction and party, as they cll the maintenance of liberty and constitution which set the example to the continental nations as they say, and had done so much mischief at all times, which is a direct untruth. What had England or her people ever to do with influencing the Italian free states that formed in the middle ages, and the many German free towns.† No less The imputation from the Allied powers, that whatever of great external strength in Great Britain was possessed, her internal government was defective and without power.

с

N. B. It is from memory that I quote, though I have your leave.

The Tiers Etat in France, the Cortes in Spain, the Flandermen, and Dutch freedom was ever native, they had their immunities and capitulations under princes, yet all this strife for freedom is put to the account of English example by the Saints of the Holy Alliance.

absurd is this sham manifesto, than if it had been asserted that Wieks liff'should have produced the Huffs and Hieronymus of Prague, mwel less Luther. Little intercourse existed then between nations, and printing had scarcely commenced; they heard and understood very little of each other, except when the despots drove their slaves to war beyond their own confines. The Austrian minister residing here, upon whose dictum the private declaration was composed, and made from Vienna in the name of their Holinesses, must have been a sorry observer. However he was an Austrian: M. Jacobi, the Prussian resident here, had a thorough knowledge of the British Constitution and affairs, and if that gentleman had still been here of late he must have laughed at the silly stuff of this Austrian observer. I am perfectly convinced of this from having known him 15 years ago; it is now a Mr. Humbolt here for Prussia. I believe, Jacobi was an acute active genius of observation, feeling, and taste, brought up in the school of Old Frederick (an arch jacobin to the measure of that period) who, it is said, agreed with his actions, professions, and principles, influencing as a monarch, makes an epoch in history; certainly in religious tolerance he took the lead on the continent. "Helas" heigho! Whither am I straggling with my carbonate to Newcastle!!

Indulge, dear Sir, the poorly flitting wording of an Alien, who, from his long residence here, has hardly an excuse for not knowing more of the English idiom, the more so because prepared by his native provincial jargon of Lower Germany or Saxony, perfectly corresponding with what is the ground work of the English language. Here, in Middlesex, the Saxon dialect among country people vanishes; but in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Westmoreland I was soon enabled, with the help of my boorish Saxon idiom, and a small printed collection of the old Saxon words rendered to modern English, perfectly to converse with the peasantry to the surprise of friends. Words and meaning little deviated from what they implied in Lower Saxony and Westphalia, also the same variety of talk from town to town, often not understanding each other as in Low Germany; no less so it would turn hard upon their tongue to adjust the organs to the Middlesex gibberish a relict of the Danish invader. To understand and read book language, and the parson is a particular instruction at school both sides of the water. But will it meet with your excuse for detaining you with this strange matter! I have "in petto" left a ques tion in conclusion to submit for a solution, if yon think it fit. The aspect of the country, in its present condition, is alarming, and`prospect dreadful; there must be some ground or other why there is not some trial made on the principles of Malthus, or its contrast, those of Mr. Owen. The radicals, as they are named, aim at perfect equality without putting the thing to a clear light and intelligibility to prevent illusion on the ignorant and working classes, who turn blinded to perceive the inequality that exists among themselves; nor is this meant to insult them for the wrongs and crying injustice inflicted on them in these latter years. But when the question is upon general reform the

ground should first be cleared, and certain fundamentals or elements should be determined upon to understand each other. Can the man create laws, or be its administrator, who is for six days in the week hard working to gain a subsistence, here then already he must delegate the business to others of better insight and leisure. Again, as the necessaries of life do not drop down from heaven, but are to be prepared by the hand of man in social assistance, and whilst a social state in conjunction with liberty conveys imperious property (liberty and property being essentials) liere then is the stubble "pierre d'achop pement, hic opus hic labor." Of old times there is Sparta, alone of all in former and modern ages presents perfect equality to serve as a' model for radicals, and the circumstance of helos might easily be overcome. At Athens, also a democratical government, there was a perpetual strife to reduce property and the rich. What property and affluence can effect in all that dignifies human nature, need no demonstration. At Athens it is odious to see a Pericles cringing before the so nanied "swinish multitude," in order to bring them to a consent to the execution of those master-pieces of art which our present artists vainly attempt to perform, whilst many of his projects were thwarted. I confess my utter inability to say what principle to pursue, and am lost in the views and forms for a social compact, and how to obtain perfection in every quarter; but what I wish is, that the mechanic might see his object in its proper light, and that, abstractedly, equality is impossible. I leave the existing abuses what they are, they must, and will be overthrown, but he must not think he can substitute equality. He might also be reminded, where there is property and a circulating medium for exchanging the necessaries of life, that skill and wealth on one part, and industry and diligence on the other are furthering the public well-being, if they are kept in proper bounds, not disgraced by unnecessary squandering of the publie treasure, that every industrious person in obscurity has a free chance to emerge into wealth, but that naturally few in the proportion can attain to it. Poverty will and must somewhere begin, un» less all of us should be poor, or rather savages to return to the woods, and here inequality pursues us where no property exists in the weaker and the stronger. It is not seen why the trial of Mr. Owen's plan is not followed up, its restraint, however, I consider as a drawback upon its goodness, notwithstanding it might best answer; but there seems an indolence, listlessness, and apathy that borders ou despair with ministry and parliament.

May 17, 1820.

ANONIMOUS.

P.S. You will see by the contents and looseness of my scrawlings that it is not meant for print, which I only mention on account of a former occasion, when you admitted in your Journal what was improper for it, nor desired.

Vol. III. No 5.

Our readers will observe that our correspondent is the re tired German merchant, who addressed us in November last, and whose letter was published in the second volume of the Republican. We have given insertion to the present letter, that we might have an opportunity to repeat, that the Reformers of Great Britain have too much sense to harbour an idea about possessing an equality of property. They seek an equality of rights only, namely, that every man should give his voice in choosing a representative, to make those laws under which he is to live, and to which he consents to bind himself. This is very different from an equality of property. Of course, the poor reformers' hopes, by the accomplishment of his object, to enjoy somewhat more of the fruits of his labour than at present, and that the expences of the government will be less profuse. But every species of economy would be sure to arise from a full and complete representation of the people in Parliament, annually elected. Our correspondent does not seem to possess a knowledge of the ground work and the advantage of the representative system of government. There was nothing in Greece-there was nothing in Rome like it. Our modern Pericles, Demosthenes, and Ciceros, would not have to harangue a mixed multitude of people, to obtain consent to adopt or carry into execution any law or legislative regulation. What we seek is, that a system of government should be established on a self-renovating basis, that if an injurious law be imposed upon the people in one year, or in one Parliament, they shall have an opportunity by their annual election of representatives, to return such as are likely to comply with the will of the majority, and abolish such law. It is ridiculous to look back into history to find examples and precedents for forms of government in the present day. We are but just emerging out of darkness and ignorance-out of a state of chaos, to a state of order. We know no period in the history of England-nay, in universal history, that is worthy of notice for any other purpose than to avoid its errors. The printing-press is beginning to rouse mankind, as from á state of lethargy; and it is not to be expected, that we should look back into an age or ages of night, to learn to walk in the broad and open day. We want no barrack plans, or schemes, which would produce much worse provincial and party feeling than exists among mankind at present. A family would live much more happy and independent with a cottage and a few acres of ground attached to it, than penned up with other families in a barrack and a military state. Mr. Owen's plan,