pation. This, too, as Bismarck had calcu- although it may be their most pleasant related, was refused (January 1864); and, sult.'

dispensing with further ceremony, they The merit of the acquisition, as the tri

It was not without warnings or misgiv-culties, is enhanced when we bear in mind umph of unprincipled adroitness under dittiings that the Austrian statesmen fell into that, besides other obligations, he had the the trap. That Bismarck is dragging us by Treaty of London (1852) recognising the the halter,' was the cry at Vienna; and the dynastic rights of the King of Denmark, to Emperor Joseph, when some one was depre- get over, as well as his own speeches in the ciating Bismarck in his presence, is report- Prussian Chamber in 1849, when he' deed to have exclaimed, Ah! if I had but plored that the Prussian troops had gone to him.' It would seem also that the popula- uphold revolution in Sleswig against the letion, whose vital interests were at stake, gitimate sovereign of this country, the King did not regard the Prussians as their well- of Denmark, and did not hesitate to declare wishers, or give Bismarck credit for exalted that the war provoked in the Duchies of the motives; for the following squib was wide- Elbe was an enterprise eminently iniquitous, ly circulated:frivolous, disastrous, and revolutionary.' *

6

ary 1863, he unbosomed himself at a Court | his estimate, that he had been following him ball to the Vice-President of the Prussian for fifteen years. It never crossed the mind Chamber, M. Behrend: This question (he of the Emperor or the diplomatist, that what said) may be resolved in two ways: either they had been listening to as the dreams of we must promptly stifle the insurrection in a madman were the matured schemes of a concert with Russia and come before the statesman, which they were unwittingly aidWestern Powers with an accomplished fact, ing him to carry out. They were in the or we might leave the situation to spread and condition of the instrument-maker, of whom become aggravated, wait till the Russians are Barrington, the famous pickpocket, ordered driven out of Poland or reduced to invoke an instrument of so rare a construction that assistance, and then proceed boldly to occu- he was induced to ask for what purpose it py the kingdom for Prussia. At the end was to be employed. For picking pockets,' of three years, all there would be German- was the cool reply; and after his customer ized.' But this is only ball talk (propos had left the shop he discovered that it had de bal),' exclaimed the astonished Vice- been successfully employed upon his own. President. No,' was the reply; 'I am speaking seriously of serious things. The Russians are tired of Poland: the Emperor Alexander himself said as much to me at St. Petersburg.'

A hero of the comic drama tells his valet that a fib is too good a thing to be thrown away. Prince Bismarck seems to be of the same opinion his favourite mode of deception is to tell the truth; but when truth will not serve the purpose, he does not stand upon trifles. On the eve of the declaration of war of 1866, Count Karolyi, on the part of Austria, summoned him to declare categorically if he thought of tearing up the treaty of Gastein. No,' was the reply, I have no such thought; but should I answer you otherwise if I had?' He had fully resolved to tear up the treaty.

That he was mistaken as to the main point, the power of the Russians to suppress the insurrection, was speedily made clear; and it is difficult to believe that the Czar ever thought of relaxing his hold on Poland from any doubt on this subject, when we find the Grand Duke Constantine, referring (February 1863) to the offer of the military convention, expressing his surprise at such a proposition, and ironically remarking that the Prussian Government was making the devil much blacker than he was in reality. It may be taken for granted that this embryo design on Poland never assumed shape enough to create a disagreeable sensation at St. Petersburg, for the friendly relations between the two Chancellors were confirmed rather than weakened by what took place in 1863; and Bismarck's mode of dealing with Austria was in no slight degree owing to the consciousness that he had Russia at his back. Preparatory to the final breach, he had made sure of other effective aid. It was on his return from Biarritz in 1865, after seeing to what extent the Italian proclivities of the French Emperor were like-ly wished for it. He used the same lanly to operate on the situation, that Bismarck said to the Chevalier Nigra If Italy did not exist, we should be obliged to invent it.' He showed his sense of its value by signing the offensive and defensive alliance of April

1866.

Mérimée was fond of reverting to the scenes on the beach of Biarritz, when Napoleon III., leaning on his arm, was listening with a mixture of seriousness and amused incredulity to the projects of the German Chancellor, and how on one occasion his imperial friend murmured in his ear, 'Il est fou.' General Govone states that Benedetti, in speaking of Bismarck, described him as a maniac, adding, by way of giving weight.to

After the two Powers, à la Bagshot and Jonathan, had agreed to share the Duchies to which neither had the shadow of a right, Bismarck addressed (July 11, 1865) a haughty, menacing despatch to the Vienna Cabinet, proposing to become the purchaser of their share of the plunder, which he had made up his mind to monopolize by fair means or foul. This revived and aggravated the feeling of mutual exasperation, as he no doubt anticipated; for four days afterwards (July 15) he told the Duc de Grammont, the French ambassador to the Austrian Court, whom he met at Carlsbad, that he deemed the war inevitable, that it had become a necessity, and that he ardent

*

guage to the Bavarian Premier, adding that Austria could not last a campaign, that one blow, one grand battle on the side of Silesia, would suffice to bring the House of Hapsburg to his feet. But at the critical moment the King shrank from taking the initiative in what was pretty generally considered as a fratricidal war, and the Treaty of Gastein was signed (Aug. 14, 1865), by which the compact to divide the spoil was renewed, the duchy of Lauenburg being transferred to Prussia for a stipulated sum.

* 'Deux Chanceliers,' p. 242, confirmed by A. Schmidt and others, but flatly contradicted by Hesekiel in The Life.'

On the completion of this arrangement Bis- | was from a mixed motive of policy and marck was made a Count.* faith that Bismarck challenged the doctor :

In the midst of the grave occupations of Gastein he allowed himself to be photographed in what M. Klaczko terms a romanesque attitude with Signora Lucca, the prima donna of Berlin. This scandalized the serious public, with whom he had always endeavoured to stand well, and a religious friend, M. André de Roman, thought proper to address to him an epistle, in which, after dwelling on the unbecoming levity of the association with the Bathsheba of the opera,' he took him severely to task for defying to mortal combat-he, prime minister, the celebrated physician and deputy, Dr. Virchow. This, it was impressed upon him, was not the conduct of a true Christian; and it was suggested that his old friends, remarking his systematic non-attendance at divine service, were beginning to be disturbed about the condition of his soul. His reply, which, like everything else from his lips or pen, soon found its way to publicity, began thus:

Berlin, December 26, 1865.

the years in which any one takes counsel in 'As to the Virchow business, I am beyond

such matters from flesh and blood. If I set my life on any matter, I do it in the same faith in which I have, by long and severe strife, but in honest and humble prayer to God, strengthened myself, and in which no human words, even if spoken by a friend in the Lord and a servant of the Church, can alter me.'

With regard to the other charges he (in the language of special pleading) confesses and avoids :

that I never visit the house of God.
'As to attendance at church, it is untrue

For who therefore can have observed me? I adseven months I have been either absent or ill; mit freely that it might take place more frequently, but it is not owing so much to want of time, as from a care of my health, especially in winter; and to those who feel themselves justified to be my judges in this I will render an account-they will believe, even without medical details.

'As to the Lucca photograph, you would probably be less severe in your censure, if you knew to what accident it owes its existence.

‘DEAR ANDRÉ,—Although my time is very The present Frau von Radden (Malle. Lucca), much taken up, I cannot refrain from replying to an interpellation made by an honest although a singer, is a lady of whom, as much heart in the name of Christ. I am very sorry to say at any time such unpermitted things. as myself, there has never been any reason if I offend believing Christians, but I am certain that this is unavoidable for one in my voNotwithstanding this, I should, had I in a cation. What man breathes who in such quiet moment thought of the offence which a position must not give offence justly or unthis joke has given to many and faithful friends, have withdrawn myself from the justly? I will even admit more, for your exfield of the glass pointed at us. You perceive pression as to concealment is not accurate. from the detailed manner in which I reply to I would to God that, besides what is known to the world, I had not other sins upon my tioned, and by no means place myself above you, that I regard your letter as well intensoul for which I can only hope for forgiveness the judgment of those with whom I share a in a confidence upon the blood of Christ. As a statesman I am not sufficiently disinterested, and your own Christian feeling, I anticipate common faith. But from your friendship in my own mind I am rather cowardly, and that because it is not easy always to get that clear-dence and clemency in similar matters for that you will recommend to my judges pruness on the question coming before me, which the future-of this we all stand in need. grows upon the soil of divine confidence.'

This is Cromwell all over. In regard to the duel, he resorts to the same sort of justification as a famous contemporary whom no one will accuse of hypocrisy although occasionally prone, in obedience to what he deemed duty, to be guided more by expediency than by principle. The Duke of Wellington, in a letter to the Duke of Buckingham, justified his duel with Lord Winchilsea on the ground of its necessity to enable him to carry Catholic Emancipation. † It

* He was made Prince, March 21st, 1871.

The truth is, that the duel with Lord Winchilsea was as much a part of the Roman Catholic question, and it was as necessary to undertake it and carry it to the extremity to which I did carry it, as it was to do everything

" If among the multitude of sinners who are in need of the glory of God, I hope that His grace will not deprive me of the staff of humble faith which I endeavour to find out of my path. This confidence shall neither find me deaf to censorious words of friendly reproof, nor angry with loveless and proud criticism. 'In haste, yours,

"BISMARCK.'

Having thus eased his conscience and made good his position as a Christian, he proceeded, in similar reliance on divine help, to consider how the recent treaty of Gastein could be set aside, and the blood and iron, fire and sword, policy be put in action. Where there is a will there is a way; and

else which I did do to attain the object which I had in view.'-('Despatches, Correspondence, &c.,' vol. v. p. 585.)

terests of a foreign nation; a crafty and perfidious line of policy ;-these were not things know that the future would call upon me to calculated to give me satisfaction. I did not take any important part in public events, but from that period I conceived the idea, which at the present day I am still working out-the idea of withdrawing Germany from Austrian pressure; at any rate, that part of Germany whose tone of thought, religion, manners, and interests, identify her destinies with those In the plan which I brought forward, there of Prussia-I speak of Northern Germany. has been no question of overthrowing thrones, of taking a duchy from one ruler, or some petty domain from another. The King, moreover, would lend no hand to such schemes. And then there are all the interests of relationships, cousinships, a host of antagonistic influences, against which I have had to sustain a daily and hourly warfare.

he found no difficulty in picking a fresh | of my country; Germany sacrificed to the inquarrel with Austria, nor, though clearly the aggressor, in putting her more than once technically and logically in the wrong. Thus when England, Russia, and France proposed a conference of the five Great Powers, he accepted it, knowing full well that Austria would refuse, except on wholly inadmissible conditions, namely, that no territorial changes should be discussed. When Austria proposed to leave the revived dispute touching the Duchies to the Bund, he declined; offering at the same time to be bound by a free German Parliament, to be elected by universal suffrage. The first call to arms came from the Bund, when (June 12, 1866), at the instigation of Austria, it ordered federal execution against Prussia. Prussia responded, June 15, by declaring war against Hanover, Saxony, and the Electorate of Hesse, the three States which had assumed a hostile attitude to support the Bund. The war manifesto of Austria was on the 17th, that of Prussia on the 18th, that of Italy (against Austria and Bavaria) on the

20th.

Early in June, M. Vilbert, the correspondent of a French journal, the Siècle,' was, much to his surprise, admitted to an interview with the great man who was described to him as quite inaccessible, and, as was doubtless anticipated, he immediately published the conversation; which he began by requesting the Chancellor to explain the flagrant contradiction between his home and his foreign policy. He was calling, he was reminded, for a national Parliament to regenerate Germany, whilst he was treating the representative Chamber of Berlin as Louis XIV. treated the French Parliament when he entered it whip in hand.

A la bonne heure, you go at once to the root of things,' replied M. de Bismarck. In France, I know, I am as unpopular as in Germany. Everywhere I am considered responsible for a state of things that I have not created, but which has been forced upon me, as upon every one else. I am the scapegoat of public opinion; but that does not much trouble me. I pursue the course which I believe to be beneficial to my country and to Germany, with a perfectly easy conscience. As to the means, I have used those which were within my reach in default of better.

'But neither all this, nor the opposition which I have had to struggle against in Prussia, could prevent my devoting myself, heart and soul, to the idea of a Northern Germany, constituted in her logical and natural form under the ægis of Prussia. To attain this end, I would brave all dangers, exile-the scaffold itself. I said to the Crown Prince, whose education and natural tendencies incline

him rather to the side of parliamentary government: What matter if they hang me, provided the rope by which I am hung bind this new Germany firmly to your throne? ›

He was so far right that parliamentary government in Prussia was then incompatible with the greatness he meditated for her, since the army would have been kept upon a piece footing, befitting a second-rate State, had he attended to the national will as expressed by the representative Chamber after repeated appeals to the constituency. Although there was a party that began to talk of a united Germany with a Prussian point, Berlin in the spring of 1866, General Gothe war was unpopular. On arriving at vone writes,' Not only the higher classes but the middle are contrary or little favourable to the war. This aversion is seen in the popular journals: there exists no hatred to Austria. What is more, although the Chamber has no great prestige or great popularity, the debates still create adversaries to Count Bismarck.' A month before the war began the General writes again: Unhappily the public mind in Prussia is not sensibly awakened even in face of a situation so decisive, so vital for the country.' The principal towns, Cologne, Magdeburg, Stettin, Minden, &c., sent up addresses to the King in favor of peace and against the fatal policy of the Cabinet. Most assuredly if policy of the Cabinet. things had gone ill, Bismarck would not have been thanked by his countrymen, as Varro was thanked after the defeat of Can

næ, for not despairing of the republic- le champ de bataille, ils seront joliment 'quod de republicâ non desperasset.'