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Whereas Iraq has now been in breach of this requirement for

more than a decade;

Whereas Iraq consistently impeded the work of United Nations weapons inspectors in Iraq between 1991 and 1998 by denying them access to crucial sites and documents and by obstructing their work in numerous other ways; Whereas on October 31, 1998, Iraq banned almost all United Nations inspectors despite its agreement to comply with Security Council Resolution 687;

Whereas on December 15, 1998, the chief United Nations weapons inspector reported that Iraq was withholding cooperation;

Whereas Congress declared in Public Law 105-235 (112 Stat. 1538) that "the Government of Iraq is in material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations, and therefore the President is urged to take appropriate action, in accordance with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq into compliance with its international obligations";

Whereas Security Council Resolution 687 was adopted under chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and therefore can be enforced through military action;

Whereas the United States has reported that a high risk exists that Iraq has continued to develop weapons of mass destruction since the expulsion of United Nations weapons inspectors, in violation of Security Council Resolution 687;

Whereas such development is a threat to the United States and its allies in the Middle East;

Whereas Congress declared in Public Law 105-338 (112

Stat. 3178) that it should be "the policy of the United

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States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime";

Whereas the attacks of September 11, 2001, illustrate the global reach of terrorists;

Whereas numerous terrorist groups are seeking to acquire weapons of mass destruction;

Whereas Iraq is a sponsor of terrorism and has trained members of several terrorist organizations;

Whereas the regime of Saddam Hussein plotted to assassinate former President George Bush during his visit to the State of Kuwait in 1993;

Whereas the President has stated that "any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime" and has committed to "pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism"; and

Whereas on November 26, 2001, President Bush warned that any nation that develops weapons of mass destruction in order to "terrorize" others "will be held accountable": Now, therefore, be it

Amend the title so as to read: "Regarding the inspection and monitoring of development of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq."

Chairman HYDE. I am pleased to call up House Joint Resolution 75, expressing our strong concern about Saddam Hussein's failure to comply with the weapons inspection requirements established by the United Nations at the end of the Persian Gulf War.

This resolution was introduced on December 4 by our former colleague on this Committee, Mr. Graham, and I was proud to join him as an original co-sponsor of the measure. Many other Members of the Committee are cosponsors as well. Since the introduction, we have worked with Mr. Lantos, as well as with Mr. Gilman and Mr. Ackerman of our Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, to develop this substitute that is now before us.

The resolution draws attention to the growing threat to international peace and security posed by Saddam Hussein's refusal to comply with the terms of the cease-fire agreement ending the Persian Gulf War. Those terms were incorporated by the U.N. Security Council into Resolution 687 of 1991 and into subsequent resolutions addressing the situation in Iraq.

Those terms required him to afford U.N. weapons inspectors unfettered access to sites in Iraq where weapons of mass destruction might be under development, as well as to other relevant locations and information in Iraq. From 1991 until 1998, Saddam Hussein went through the motions of complying with these inspection requirements, while doing everything that he could to prevent the weapons inspectors from discovering the truth about the history of his weapons programs.

Since 1998 Saddam has stopped complying all together. In other words, since 1998, Saddam's ability to reconstitute his nuclear weapons program, his biological weapons program, his chemical weapons program, and his long-range missile program has not been constrained by international inspectors. There is every reason to believe that Saddam has taken advantage of the absence of inspectors to revive these weapons programs.

The events of September 11th demonstrate the severity of this threat to the United States, and indeed to all civilized countries. The terrorists who attacked our country on September 11th wanted to kill as many Americans as possible. They sought to use aircraft as weapons of mass destruction. There can be no doubt that if they had had access to real weapons of mass destruction, they would have used them to kill as many of our fellow citizens as possible. Saddam Hussein has a track record of developing such weapons and of using them not only against his enemies but against his own people, so he would have no qualms about using them against us. Just last week this Committee received testimony from two of our Nation's leading experts on biological weapons. These experts, Dr. Richard Spertzel and Dr. Ken Alibek, agreed that there was most likely state involvement in the anthrax attacks that our Nation has experienced since September 11th, and that the most likely state to have been involved was Iraq. So we are confronting a very serious threat-something that is literally a matter of life and death-and this resolution expresses our very strong desire to see that something is done about it.

This resolution does not-I repeat, does not-seek to give the President legal authority to use force against Iraq. There is a debate about whether he already has such authority, I happen to be

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lieve that he does, but this resolution does not speak to that question. All it says is that Iraq is violating its obligations under international law, and this violation presents a mounting threat to our Nation, to our allies, and to international peace and security. These statements are demonstrably true, and the truly dangerous course would be to remain silent in the face of these facts.

For these reasons I urge my colleagues to support the resolution, and I now yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California, Mr. Lantos.

[The prepared statement of Mr. Hyde follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE HENRY J. HYDE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS, AND CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

I am pleased to call up H.J.Res. 75, a resolution expressing our strong concern about Saddam Hussein's failure to comply with the weapons inspection requirements established by the United Nations at the end of the Persian Gulf War.

This resolution was introduced on December 4th by our former colleague on this Committee, Mr. Graham, and I was proud to join him as an original cosponsor of the measure. Many other members of the Committee are cosponsors as well. Since introduction, we have worked with Mr. Lantos, as well as with Mr. Gilman and Mr. Ackerman of our Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, to develop the substitute that is now before us.

The resolution draws attention to the growing threat to international peace and security posed by Saddam Hussein's refusal to comply with the terms of the cease fire agreement ending the Persian Gulf War. Those terms were incorporated by the U.N. Security Council into Resolution 687 of 1991, and into subsequent resolutions addressing the situation in Iraq. Those terms required him to afford U.N. weapons inspectors unfettered access to sites in Iraq where weapons of mass destruction might be under development, as well as to other relevant locations and information in Iraq.

From 1991 until 1998, Saddam Hussein went through the motions of complying with these inspection requirements, while doing everything he could to prevent the weapons inspectors from discovering the truth about the history of his weapons programs. Since 1998, Saddam has stopped complying altogether.

In other words, since 1998, Saddam's ability to reconstitute his nuclear weapons program, his biological weapons program, his chemical weapons program, and his long range missile program has not been constrained by international inspectors. There is every reason to believe that Saddam has taken advantage of the absence of inspectors to revive these weapons programs.

The events of September 11th demonstrate the severity of this threat to the United States, and indeed to all civilized countries. The terrorists who attacked our country on September 11th wanted to kill as many Americans as possible. They sought to use aircraft as weapons of mass destruction. There can be no doubt that if they had had access to real weapons of mass destruction, they would have used them to kill as many of our fellow citizens as possible.

Saddam Hussein has a track record of developing such weapons, and of using them not only against his enemies, but against his own people. So he certainly would have no qualms about using them against us.

Just last week this Committee received testimony from two of our nation's leading experts on biological weapons. These experts, Dr. Richard Spertzel and Dr. Ken Alibek, agreed that there was most likely state involvement in the anthrax attacks that our nation has experienced since September 11th, and that the most likely state to have been involved was Iraq.

So we are confronting a very serious threat-something that is literally a matter of life and death-and this resolution expresses our very strong desire to see something done about it.

This resolution does not seek to give the President legal authority to use force against Iraq. There is a debate about whether he already has such authority, and I happen to believe that he does, but this resolution does not speak to that question. All it says is that Iraq is violating its obligations under international law, and that this violation presents a mounting threat to our nation, to our allies, and to international peace and security. These statements are demonstrably true, and the truly dangerous course would be to remain silent in the face of these facts. For all these reasons, I urge my colleagues to support the resolution.

Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I strongly support H. J. Res. 75, and I urge all of our colleagues to support it as well.

I also want to commend our colleague, Congressman Graham, for introducing this important resolution. And I want to congratulate you for your leadership role in bringing it before us in its current form.

Mr. Chairman, in the past half century, no government has so consistently and flagrantly flouted the will of the international community as has Saddam Hussein's Iraq. No national leader has so regularly demonstrated that he is a threat to the lives of his neighbors and his own citizens as has Saddam Hussein.

Without any provocation, Saddam Hussein attacked Iran in 1980; swallowed up all of Kuwait in 1990. The first time, Mr. Chairman, since Hitler, that one nation tried to wipe another off the map. And he rained missiles on Israel and Saudi Arabia in 1991, as you and I so well remember because we were there.

He is the only current national leader to have employed weapons of mass destruction, using chemicals to attack Iran during the Iran-Iraq War and to murder some 5,000 Kurds, citizens of his own nation in 1988.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, the cease-fire resolution that ended the Gulf War in 1991, required Saddam Hussein to transfer to the international community for purposes of destruction, his weapons of mass destruction and all related capabilities within 45 days. That was 10 years ago, Mr. Chairman.

Now, more than a decade later, Saddam Hussein continues to defy the requirements of the international community in a contemptuous manner. During the past 10-plus years, Saddam first obstructed and lied to the inspectors, then he had them expelled, and now he will not allow them to return.

Of course, Saddam Hussein has ignored virtually every United Nations Security Council demand. He has refused to provide information about 600 Kuwaitis still missing after being taken prisoner in 1991, and refused to return property stolen from Kuwait during Iraq's brutal 1990-1991 occupation. Even though he eventually acknowledged the demarcation of the Iraq-Kuwait border, the statecontrolled Iraqi media continues to threaten further invasions.

Saddam Hussein's resort to terror is legendary, including his effort to attempt to assassinate former President George Bush in Kuwait in 1993.

Over the years, he has sponsored Abu Nidal and many other cutthroat terrorist groups. Today he gives domicile to Abu Abass, who master-minded the Achille Lauro hijacking in 1985 and the coldblooded murder of an American citizen, Leon Klinghoffer. Most recently, Mr. Chairman, we have been reminded of his terrorism by the capture of an Iraqi terrorist cell in the West Bank and, chillingly, by the Czech government's confirmation that the September 11 hijacker, Mohammad Atta, twice met with Iraqi intelligence agents in Prague.

Mr. Chairman, in the Gulf War cease-fire resolution, U.N. Security Council Resolution 687, the Security Council pledged, and I quote,