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PRIDE AND PREJUDICE:

A Mexican

American Dilemma

Lately, there has been increasing discussion about the "ethnic pride" of minority groups, including the Mexican American. Such discussions, however, are sometimes handicapped because of confusion about what it is that makes a person a member of an ethnic group whether it is his culture, his national origin, his language, his skin coloration, or some combination of these factors.

The confusion is particularly pronounced in discussions about the Mexican American. For example, can one be middle class and still be called a Mexican American? Or can one be an intellectual and still be a Mexican American? The answer to both these questions is, of course, yes but an accurate ethnic definition of a Mexican American has been clouded be

cause of the wide acceptance of

a wide range of stereotypes that project a false image of what it is that constitutes being Mexican American.

Basically, there are three sets of qualities, or attributes-often hard to define associated with being a Mexican American. The first set is not true at all; the second is true, in that it does describe the essence of the Mexican American; and the third is true in a limited sense, insofar as it does describe many Mexican Americans, but has really nothing to do with their being Mexican American.

With rare exception, every time

social scientists have studied "Mexican Americans," they have ended up describing poor Mexican Americans, not Mexican Americans as they exist in toto. These social scientists have chosen to study that segment of the Chicano (an expression probably derived from "Mexicano," currently being used to designate the Mexican American) population that Ralph Guzman refers to as "the quaint," ignoring Mexican Americans who are middle class. The net result of this extraordinary scientific oversight is the perpetuation of very damaging stereotypes of the Mexican American.

The chart that appears on page 25 shows those qualities which have been invalidly attributed to Mexican Americans as part of their ethnicity.

In reality, as the title of the chart indicates, the attributes are actually those of people in poverty but these regularly cut across ethnic lines.

The first item says that, in general, Mexican Americans spend a larger proportion of their socialization time with relatives and with other people living nearby than do individuals from the middle class. And, indeed, a certain proportion of Mexican Americans do possess this attribute. Two, Mexican Americans are said not to generally join voluntary associations,

which include educational, fraternal, church, and political associations. (Fortunately, though, the Mexican American is increasingly learning to join political organizations.)

Three, Mexican Americans are said to prefer the old and the familiar. They are reluctant to engage in new situations or to form new social relationships. They appear to be especially hesitant to initiate social interactions with strangers. Four suggests that they generally demonstrate an anti-intellectual attitude and have little admiration for writers, intellectuals, artists, college professors, and the like. Thus, Mexican Americans are seen as demonstrating a lack of behavioral support for the school activities of their children.

Five, the male of the species is said to demonstrate manliness, "machismo." "Machismo" comes from the word "macho," which simply means "male." The average Mexican American male is supposed to demonstrate a great deal of "machismo" instead of, for instance, intellectualism or interest in the arts. Men who show "machismo" are alleged to brag a great deal about their male conquests, and to regularly refuse to do womanly things such as dishwashing, cooking, diaper-changing, or minding the children.

Six, Mexican Americans are often said to use physical force to settle arguments or to punish disobedient children.

Seven, Mexican Americans have been described as being unable to postpone gratification. Most are said to live on a day-to-day basis and few make plans or provisions for long-range activities.

Lastly, the Mexican American is said to be very fatalistic in his

view of the world, feeling that he has very little control over nature, over institutions, over people, or

over events.

As I stated earlier, while these eight attributes have been used to characterize Mexican Americans, they are really characteristic of people living in poverty, in the lowest socioeconomic level. In this context they do have validity. The danger lies in assigning these attributes as the unique possession of one ethnic group-as has been done with the Mexican American -instead of viewing them in their proper light, as the products of the "Culture of Poverty," a phrase borrowed from Oscar Lewis.

By "Culture" in the phrase "Culture of Poverty," Lewis means, in part, the ready-made set of behavioral solutions for everyday problems that continually emerge: a style of life, a way of thinking, a series of attitudes and beliefs which emerge when an individual is forced to get along in his everyday activities without money. He does this by a unique and different way of using people. "Using" is not meant in a derogatory negative sense, but rather utilizing them. The reason is simple: If you don't have money, you have to have people. They simply do what they can to help each other. To give of themselves to each other, to lend emotional support, to help physically, this is the poor person's "money." Consequently, when poor Mexican Americans, or for that matter poor blacks or poor Puerto Ricans, don't have money, generally they must spend a larger portion of their time with relatives and other people living nearby than do middle class people.

Similarly, the poor generally don't join voluntary associations.

The reason for this is probably wrapped up with the whole business of hopelessness which will be discussed in detail later. Thus poor Mexican Americans feel that joining an association will not do any good, because they have learned to live with hopelessness. In the past few years, however, Mexican Americans, as well as other ethnic groups, have increasingly been joining action groups when they have found that at times it does

pay off.

Because they have had a poor education-thus a narrow and limited exposure to the world and its experiences-many seem to prefer the old and the familiar, rather than striking off in new directions, with new dimensions and new ideas. And, they don't like to form new social relationships, probably for the identical reasons that the more educated person sometimes feels awkward when walking into a completely new situation. Only the poor have many more such instances.

Poor people evidence anti-intellectualism in part because they haven't been well educated. People in poverty settings typically have no more than an eighth grade education, and quite often even less. It would be unusual for a man to be an intellectual without having had a relatively good exposure to "book learning". True, many poor have read a great number of books. But, in the main, the large portion are non-intellectual or anti-intellectual. Consequently, they don't have the feeling that school is really that necessary for success in life. Certainly, a high proportion will not see a college degree as necessary for success.

The males demonstrate manliness, "machismo," perhaps as an

overcompensation. A man is his work. But what kind of work does a man who lives in poverty have? Poor work, if any. He does not often have a job that he can be genuinely proud of; he does not have a vocation. Thus, he does not have a full identity. A man is supposed to be a working man, one who provides for his family, a protector, a giver of care and sustenance. Instead, the poor man has a low-paying job, or a halftime job, or maybe no job at all. Few men can live comfortably with the feeling of not being a good provider, and consequently, they often overcompensate and by

this demonstrate that they never-
theless are strong and powerful.
Therefore, they show excessive
"machismo." This is probably
what leads to the refusal to have
anything to do with things that
are "womanly."

What's wrong with "machismo,"
with being "macho?" There's
nothing terribly wrong with it. It's
only in the exaggeration, in the
male demonstrating too much of a
good thing, in the excess, that this
becomes a dysfunctional thing.
Perhaps dysfunctional "machis-
mo" is best defined in terms of the
motivation. If it is a greatly exag-
gerated overcompensation for feel-

CHARACTEROLOGIC OR INTERPERSONAL STYLES:
Attributes of Most People Living In The Culture Of Poverty

1. Their life within the context of an extended family incorporates a
larger proportion of available time (than is true of middle and upper
class individuals) in interaction' with relatives and with other people
living nearby.

2. They are non-joiners of voluntary associations, including fraternal, church-related, and political associations.

3. They have a preference for the old and the familiar, demonstrated by a reluctance to engage in new situations, or to form new social relationships, especially to initiate interactions with strangers.

4. They demonstrate a marked anti-intellectualism, which expresses itself in little admiration for intellectuals, professors, writers, artists, the ballet, symphonies, etc., as well as in lack of support for schools or for the school activities of their children.

5. Males demonstrate "machismo." This is seen as opposite behavior to being intellectual or engaging in such activities as the ballet. Males who demonstrate "machismo" brag a great deal about their male conquests, and refuse to engage in any behavior which is associated with femininity, such as diaper-changing, dishwashing, cooking, etc.

6. There is a great deal of use of physical force, for example, to settle arguments or in the use of physical punishment with disobedient children.

7. They appear unable to postpone gratification. The tendency to live on a day-to-day basis looms extremely prevalent, and few provisions are made for long-range activities.

8. They are extremely fatalistic in their view of the world, feeling that they have very little control over nature, over institutions, or over

events.

Adapted from: Cohen, Albert K., and Hodges, Harold M., Characteristics of the Lower-Blue-Collar Class.

ing inadequate, and the overcompensation takes the form of excessive fighting, drinking, or bragging about conquests, then it is a dysfunctional "machismo."

Inability to delay gratification is due, at least in part, to realizing the fact that if you don't have money, it is very difficult to adequately plan for the future. How can you plan for the future when you don't know what's going to happen tomorrow? When you don't even know if you will have a job? Even if a poor man wanted to plan for the future, and he had a relatively steady job, it is usually not a well-paying one. Thus, he would have few provisions—that is, tangible financial provisions for long-range planning of activities. So then, it becomes a day-to-day existence, but not necessarily because of some perverse quality in poor people, but because, in the past, planning and its attendant postponement of immediate gratification of needs has been experienced as futile.

Fighting in order to settle arguments, or to punish disobedient children, probably comes about partly as a function of the same business associated with being "muy macho," which in turn stems, at least in large measure, from the many frustrations associated with a man's lack of ability to hold a job.

Fatalism is a basic feeling, attitude, or belief that does affect— and may be very damaging topeople living in the culture of poverty. If you had lost the game many times, if you had never been able to make headway, if you had never been able to get a good job and hold it, if you had planned for a lot of things that never came true, I suspect you would lose hope

too. This is regularly what happens to a man who comes from a poverty home. He simply has stopped trying because it has not done him—and others he has seen a great deal of good to have tried.

The eight qualities just outlined are then basically the qualities or attributes of people from the culture of poverty, not the culture of Mexico. These same qualities have been used to describe blacks, American Indians, and Puerto Ri

cans.

From a combination of these stereotypes have arisen some totally false attributes of the Mexican American. And these stereotypes do not escape even the Mexican American himself. The following is a statement made by a Mexican American writer:

The Mexicano, or mestizo, a racial amalgamation of resigned stolid Indians and lighthearted Spaniards, has based his romanticism on the reality of the present and its relation to the past. The future is attacked with a fatalism, an indefinite term, mañana, which expresses a remoteness missing from 'tomorrow.' He lives an improvised, spontaneous existence. He never puts off for tomorrow what can be enjoyed only today. He is not lazy, but he works only enough to support his meager needs.

What then are the real qualities of being a Mexican American? Or, to put it another way, what constitutes the second set of attributes noted at the beginning of this article, those that accurately describe the essence of being Mexican American?

One, they have come or their parents or grandparents have come from Mexico (or from Spain in

the case of the Hispano of northern New Mexico and southern Colorado) and brought with them many customs and many traditions. Secondly, they speak Spanish and many have a noticeable accent. These two qualities alone, I feel, comprise the major portion of the essence of being Chicano or Mexican American.

On another level, but also within the valid set of attributes, we know that the vast majority of Mexican Americans is Catholic. Of course, as is true of any group, insofar as it practices a given religion, much of its behavior is influenced by that religion. So, much of the behavior of the Mexican American is allied with his Catholicism. A simple example of this might be the 'Dia de Santo," the Saint's Day, where a small feast is planned to honor the Saint on whose day the youngster was born. It is very much like a birthday feast.

Lastly, in the group of five attributes, many Mexican Americans have darker skin and hair, and thus they are easily distinguishable. Many have what sociologists call "high visibility."

Here are in review-in my mind anyway the true qualities or attributes of most Mexican Americans: They have come from Mexico, or perhaps from Spain via Mexico; they speak Spanish, many with an accent; they are Catholic; and, many have dark skin and hair. These are the things that a "true Chicano," a "real Mexican" must possess. These attributes are the things that make him Mexican.

Viewing three of these from a different perspective, however, we can see that you don't have to be a Catholic to be a Chicano; even less so, have darker skin, because dark skin is not a criterion for

being Mexican, although many Mexicans have it. More essence

comes from the first two characteristics: that their ancestors camewith their many customs and traditions from Mexico and Spain and that they spoke Spanish.

Is it not the customs and language that make most people a particular people? If you are of Greek descent and you share Greek customs and speak Greek, then you can be said to be a Greek American. If you are Chinese, and you share Chinese customs and speak Chinese, then you are a Chinese American. Likewise, should a Mexican American identify himself as being Mexican American, the essential qualities that he must have are the language and customs that he has brought, or his forefathers have brought, from Mexico: that is his heritage. Some of the more tangible items from this heritage are reflected in such things as the Mexican music that Mexican Americans love so dearly, and obviously, Mexican food.

The third and final set of attributes are those that are true for the majority of Mexican Americans, but only in a limited sense. The first of these is that perhaps 80 percent of their five to six million live in the five Southwestern States of Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, Arizona, and California. The second is that the average Mexican American (over age 25) can be described as having an educational level of less than 8 years. Now mind you, that says average, which really means that roughly 50 percent have even less than an eighth grade education, an appalling situation. The third is that between 30 and 40 percent of the families earn less than about $3,

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