long as it was if it had not been for the death-defying, desperate determination of the very young.

In civil disorders in the United States two sources of unrest appear to have converged: youth and race. The Kerner Report says that the "typical rioter" is a Negro male between the ages of 15 and 24. But the significance of young black participants in violent outbreaks goes beyond mere numbers. Theirs has been a vanguard role: leadership as well as initiation. To the extent that older people do participate in disorders, their participation tends to come in the later stages of the violence.

Evidence exists that young people in the community helped lead the peacekeeping efforts as well. In Newark, for example, the News noted on April 6, 1968: "Teenagers moved in last night where adults had failed before. Whether the credit was theirs or not, Newark had a quiet night." On April 11 the same newspaper again took note of the efforts of the young people trying to restore peace: "There were signs that the forces mobilized in the community-particularly among the youth and the poor were succeeding in keeping the city from erupting into violence."

In Boston, the Youth Alliance Security Patrol was expanded to include other residents of the community, many of them older people with families who had never before participated in the community's affairs. Scores of residents from Roxbury, North Dorchester, and the South End, each wearing a white armband, walked and drove through the streets, helping to restore order. The Globe on April 6, 1968, indirectly underscored the importance of their role by speaking of the ordinary agencies of

social control as working in the background: "Behind their efforts was the coordinated action of state and local officials, hospitals and neighborhood organizations, police and civilian administrators. On April 7 the Globe also noted there were dozens of selfhelp agencies "supporting the work of the youths."

Thus, in an immediate sense, young people seemingly took the lead both in initiating violence and in restoring peace. And at times it was the same young people. In almost half our cases, youth patrols contained individuals who had participated in the violence.

Leadership in the perpetration of violence as documented by the Kerner Commission-and leadership in the restoration of peaceas documented in this articleconstitute two facets of the same phenomenon: young people seizing upon the opportunities of a conflict situation to exercise the influence and power denied them under normal social conditions. Their influence in helping to restore order, working with civil authorities, and spurring other local peacekeeping efforts was considerable. There is a great deal of truth in the statement issued by the Youth Alliance Security Patrol in 1967: "It is the youth who are reacting. It is the youth who will move Black communities; one way or the other." In this sense, youth patrols may be seen as an important factor in the total social communications pattern of the cities.”

CONCLUSIONS

The final comments given here are not limited strictly to the findings of this article or to youth patrols as an isolated phenomenon. Far from being isolated, youth patrols are part of the broad discon

tent and turmoil sweeping American cities. In this context, the following conclusions seem reasonable:

1. The initiatives taken by black communities-in proposing, planning, and participating in youth patrols are consistent with numerous other community enterprises in many areas of the country. Hundreds of self-help organizations, new groups to establish and encourage black businesses, and national amalgamations of local groups attest to the growing resolve of Negroes to assume responsibility for their affairs. These efforts in mobilizing local sources can help to further vitalize the Nation's black communities.

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2. Cities must become more innovative in dealing with their problems. To the extent that cities have been willing to experiment with new ideas and programs, their efforts have centered upon the containment of civil disorders -new types of weapons, new methods of police training, and new plans for crowd control. Few would object to making the containment of violence more humane and effective. But these approaches, in the absence of more positive measures, will do little to forestall further outbreaks. Greater priority must be given to preventive measures which deal with the source of unrest. It is significant that three-fourths of the youth pa trols described here were created during outbreaks of racial violence and that most were disbanded not long after order was restored. Following the violence, city officials, regrettably, showed little inclination to explore any preventive role that some form of citizens' patrol might play under normal conditions.

3. A vast reservoir of untapped

talent and energy exist among the younger elements of black communities. The leadership role of young people both in initiating and in helping to quell violence suggests that this energy can be used for either constructive or destructive purposes. Communities have an opportunity as well as an obligation to involve young people in creative enterprises. The success of youth patrols-in helping to restore order, working with civil authorities, spurring other local peacekeeping efforts, and facilitating communication-indicates that more cities would benefit from youth patrol programs.

Because of local variations, no attempt will be made here to present a definitive blueprint for the "perfect" patrol. In some situations, it may be advisable to emphasize the patrolling aspects in high tension areas or at special events such as dances and concerts. Patrols might also be used effectively in tense school situations. In the last 2 years, schools have become major centers of overt racial conflict. Some communities have responded by stationing police units in schools, which creates a strong feeling of resentment among the black students and their parents. In these situations, local officials might consider using youth patrols either to supplement or replace the police.

Schools might do well to use students in other nonracial situations as well. For example, last February New York's Fordham University, in response to numerous thefts and assaults on campus, created a student patrol to supplement the regular security force on campus. Patterned after another student patrol at Seton Hall University in New Jersey, the Fordham patrol is comprised of 35

students, mostly white, who patrol the campus nightly.

Still another alternative might involve tenant patrols in housing projects where residents have often been plagued by acts of vandalism and inadequate police protection. Adults as well as young people might be used in such patrols. Boston has experimented with just such a patrol in its Orchard Park housing development. Despite a notable lack of attention to this kind of patrol in the press, the New York City Housing Authority currently sanctions and encourages patrols in 90 of its 165 housing projects. Some 8,500 volunteersan incredible number of peoplecomprising tenants of all ages are currently participating in this community venture.

4. Regardless of which approach to security patrols is tried, adequate planning and funding are essential. The disappearance of most patrols after a wave of violence subsides underscores the need for comprehensive planning and coordination. The size of the groups, provisions for some sort of headquarters, and, most important, definition of functions in relation to the city government are the kinds of concerns which should be dealt with before the groups have been formed. The support of key segments of both the black and white communities, such as the police and the black militants, is also essential.

There are a number of sources available for funding the patrols. On May 14, 1968, for example, the United States Senate passed an amendment to the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Bill sponsored by Senator Charles H. Percy. This amendment provided Federal funds for youth patrols. The plan authorized Federal aid

up to 60 percent of the cost of special youth units established as a link between police departments and black communities. The final act, which Congress passed in June 1968, omitted this amendment but provided block grants to the States for comprehensive plans for crime control. The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration of the Department of Justice now awards such grants to the States which distribute them to various communities. Funds for security patrols can be included in these plans. Cities can also receive money for security patrols through the Federal Government's Model Cities Program. Boston's ambitious plan for a "network of security patrols" was initiated under a model cities proposal. Funds might be raised on the local level as well. In particular, businessmen can make a valuable contribution in this area.

Security patrols alone will not prevent civil disorders any more than they alone can stop them once they occur. It is likely that the United States will continue to experience difficult and painful confrontations, sometimes verbal, sometimes violent. The real significance of youth patrols lies in demonstrating that opposing groups with different, even outright conflicting, points of view share common concerns which can serve as a basis for constructive agreement and action.

TERRY ANN KNOPF

Terry Ann Knopf is a Research Associate at the Lemberg Center for the Study of Violence at Brandeis University. This article is taken from a paperback of the same title published by the Lemberg Center and may not be reprinted without permission.

SPRING 1970

7

Editor's Note:

The acute shortage of court interpreters in the Southwest for Spanish-speaking people of the region, numbering in excess of 3.5 million, is documented in the Commission's report "Mexican Americans and the Administration of Justice in the Southwest". The writer of the following article is a court interpreter and translator for and in the courts of Nueces County, Texas with 35 years of professional service. In a community of about a quarter of a million residents, he represents a task force of one in his profession. The writer affords a glimpse at his role as a court interpreter and reflects on the profession's importance in the administration of justice.

to identify with the role of a Spanish-speaking witness and allow me to interpret the role of the professional court interpreter.

They [judge and lawyers] are going to ask you some questions about the case for which you are testifying now-things that have happened in your personal lifeyour personal background-and other things.

For many Spanish-speaking citizens, the administration of justice is a bewilderment. Often these citizens are uncomfortable in the austere surroundings and are burdened by past rumors of what is about to take place.

Look at me! I want to tell you this and it's very important-listen to me! If you do not understand the questions be sure and tell me and I will tell the lawyer or judge and he will put it [the question] in different phrases and words.

Mr. Garcia [a name I'll give you, the reader] I am here so that you can understand all that is said. -1 am going to translate all the

questions they ask in English-I will ask them of you in Spanish. All of the questions have to be asked in English because this gentleman here is a court reporter— that is to say, this gentleman is going to take notes on all the questions and the answers.

At this point I have simply begun to establish the lines of communication.

There is a mistaken idea by authorities that just because a man speaks English and Spanish he can be an interpreter. All too often authorities draw individuals from secretarial pools, the maintenance force, or the police force to act as temporary interpreters and surmise they are qualified court interpreters because of their bilingual capabilities. This is not so! The role of the interpreter is an important requirement for Government in hearing and representing the Spanish-speaking citizens of the country.

In the case of the law enforcement officer who substitutes for a court interpreter, you have a situa

tion where in many small communities the same officer also has been involved in the investigation of the case in which an accused is defending himself. While not intentional, there is the potential subconscious bias present in the law officer's role as an interpreter when he also will be acting as a witness for the prosecutor. In my opinion the services of a separate and professional court interpreter would negate this potential bias.

To be an interpreter you have to know the fine points of the profession which far exceed fluency in languages. A qualified court interpreter must first have a working knowledge of the court, followed by knowing the environmental characteristics of the people. He must have an ability to understand the thought processes of the people and, most important, the vernacular of the time and place. He must be familiar with many terminologies specific and unique to a witness' occupation. He must be able to communicate at the educational level of an individual's under

standing.

Nueces County, Texas is unique in having a professional court interpreter as an officer of the county staff. Unfortunately, most authorities elsewhere in the Southwest have not seen the need nor acted in filling the requirement. Instead, Government officials often substitute and rely on bilingual individuals, “who happen to be available", to serve as temporary so-called interpreters. Their sole professional criterion is a reasonable knowledge of both languages. While administratively convenient, the use of these untrained individuals by Government agencies places the rights of Spanish-speaking citizens in jeopardy.

I started in my present job 24 years ago, replacing an Anglo court interpreter who had picked up "ranch Spanish" for his bilingual credential. I would like to think I have helped bring the role of the court interpreter to the level of professionalism it requires. The services of the profession are urgently needed and blatant.

While my first loyality and responsibility are to the courts of Nueces County, Texas, I also provide services to numerous local, State, and Federal agencies in addition to private business. This can only help reflect the need, unfortunately not the unfulfilled demand. What I am deeply concerned about is the apparent lack of concern in acquiring young, educated individuals and preparing them to be professional court interpreters.

The language barrier is far from being resolved. In recent years matters have worsened and I have observed young people from the Spanish-speaking population of South Texas evolve into a segment of the community which cannot make itself really understood coherently or fluently in either language.

All of this is further complicated by the small number of bilingual lawyers familiar with the environmental characteristics of the Mexican American. Lawyers not familiar with our ethnic group have difficult times in and out of court with Spanish-speaking clients.

In speaking before legal organizations, especially with a marked membership of new attorneys, a key point I always make in the way of a suggestion is the use of simple and small words in the questioning of a Spanish-speaking witness:

Fellas, you have several years of college behind you and a vocabulary representative of the legal profession. This vocabulary was partly acquired in law school and there is a definite need and place for its use. But don't use it with a poor Mexican American witness who is half-scared to death and has but a sixth grade education.

MEXICAN

AMERICANS

AND THE

ADMINISTRATION

OF JUSTICE

IN THE

SOUTHWEST

The inability to communicate between Spanish-speaking American citizens and English-speaking officials has complicated the problem of administering justice equitably. On the subject of court interpreters, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights report "Mexican Americans and the Administration of Justice in the Southwest", released in April 1970, found:

"Interpreters are not readily available in many southwestern court

rooms:

(a) in the lower courts, when interpreters were made available, they are often untrained and unqualified;

(b) in the higher courts, where qualified interpreters were more readily available, there has been criticism of the standards of their selection and training and skills."

Among the recommendations in the Commission's report on rectifying the language disability and inequality before the law was that: "The States in the Southwest should establish programs for the recruitment, training, and employment of court interpreters to be used in areas where there are large concentrations of Mexican Americans."

In justifying the recommendation, the Commission's report said: "A serious problem in the Southwest is the absence of qualified interpreters in courtrooms handling large numbers of Mexican Americans who have difficulty communicating in the English language. A minimum of fairness requires that all persons concerned be able to understand what is being said. In some communities, however, the courts do not have interpreters or merely rely on untrained citizens or on regular court or law enforcement personnel to act as official interpreters. Comparable problems arise in other parts of the United States for primarily Spanish-speaking Puerto Ricans and Cubans. In areas with large concentrations of such groups similar steps should be taken to overcome the problems of language disability."