the South West African Legislative Assembly from among its own members. The Administrator is responsible for the day-to-day conduct of the Government and, as the representative of the South African Government, has limited power to issue proclamations with the effect of law. The South West Africa Legislative Assembly consists of 18 representatives elected for 5-year terms by white voters. It has authority over all matters not reserved to South Africa and may recommend policies to the Government of the Republic with respect to South Africa's administration of the territory. However, full and final authority in all areas rests with the South African Government. South West Africa is represented in the South African House of Assembly by six delegates, elected by registered white voters of the territory. In the South African Senate it is represented by four members-two elected by members of the territorial Legislative Assembly and two appointed by the South African Government. The judicial structure in South West Africa is composed of two overlapping court systemsone for the whites and Westernized nonwhites and one for the indigenous African people. In 1919 Roman-Dutch law was declared the common law of the territory, and a High Court was constituted. Municipal or town governments usually consist of a town council composed of nine members elected by the white voters. The nine members of the council elect one of their number to act as chairman or mayor. The town council has the authority to pass municipal regulations and ordinances, but in practice the powers of the municipal governments are quite limited. Ovamboland has a limited form of selfgovernment granted by the South African Government under its policy of "separate development." The South Africans plan to accord similar status to other groups, such as the Herero, Kaokovelders, Damaras, and Rehoboth Basters. POLITICAL CONDITIONS The territory enjoyed a limited degree of autonomy under the South West Africa Constitution Act, which was originally passed by the South African Parliament in 1925. Under the terms of the act (as amended) matters of defense, railways and harbors, customs and excise taxes, police, foreign affairs, nonwhite administration, civil aviation, and the courts were specifically reserved as South African responsibilities. Major changes in the administration of the territory were proposed in the January 1964 report of the Odendaal Commission which had been created by the South African Government to study means of developing South West Africa. The commission recommended: (1) Creation of about 10 "Bantustans," or exclusive nowhite homelands, each with its own "citizenship": (2) Incorporation of most of the territorial administration into that of the Republic; and (3) A 5-year development plan involving transfers of population and land at the cost of about U.S. $218 million. A law of 1968 defined "homelands" for six nonwhite "nations." Since then the South African Government has been actively moving population groups to their respective "homelands" and accelerating its investment in roads, schools, and hospitals in the nonwhite areas. The first fullfledged Bantustan in South West Africa (Ovamboland) was established in 1968 with its own legislative council and administrative departments. Territorial autonomy was sharply restricted by legislation enacted during the 1969 session of the South African Parliament, virtually reducing South West Africa to the status of a fifth province of the Republic. The National Party, an offshoot of South Africa's ruling party, holds all 18 seats in South West Africa's Legislative Assembly. The 10 delegates to South Africa's Parliament are also members of the National Party. The opposition United National South West Africa Party has not held any seats in the Legislative Assembly since the March 1966 elections. As in South Africa, the franchise is restricted to whites. The most recent election was held in 1970. Political organization among nonwhites in South West Africa is subject to many obstacles, including cultural differences and physical isolation, as well as official restrictions on political activity. The application of South Africa's Terrorism Act (a special law passed in 1968 to cover retroactively terrorism, sabotage, and certain other political crimes with more severe penalties) to the territory makes a wide range of political activity subject to police discretion and arbitrary penalties. Most nonwhite political activity, as a result, takes place outside the territory, among exiles. The main nonwhite political groups in Namibia are the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), and the South West Africa National Union (SWANU). Both groups call for an end to racial discrimination in the territory. At one time there was considerable support for a U.N. trusteeship arrangement, but nonwhite political groups are now seeking immediate independence. Some of the nonwhite groups advocate armed struggle against South African administration of South West Africa. There have been periodic guerrilla incursions, beginning in 1966, involving armed members of SWAPO and other groups. Peaceful political activity, including organizational meetings at Rehoboth, has also continued. The two basic components of the Lutheran Church, which represent about half the population, have taken the lead in making demands of the South African Government regarding apartheid (statutory segregation of the races) and the migrant labor system. ECONOMY South West Africa's economy grew very slowly between 1920 and 1945. Since World War II it has expanded more than tenfold to an estimated gross domestic product (GDP) of U.S. $500 million by 1970 (about $647 per capita). During the 1960's GDP increased about 10 percent. Approximately 30 percent of the GDP is repatriated out of the territory as profits or wages by nonresident firms and workers. Customs Union & Trade The Republic of South Africa, South West Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland form a common customs union and consequently no tariffs exist on most goods moving among them. South Africa levies and collects the bulk of the customs and excise duties for the members, paying a share, determined by an established formula, of total customs collections to the other four. Imports from outside the customs union, regardless of ultimate destination, are subject to the same tariff rates. Customs union members also form a common currency and exchange control area known as the South African Monetary Area and use the rand as currency (1 rand U.S. $1.25). Because of its membership in this union trade figures for South West Africa have normally been included in the statistics for South Africa since 1966, and hence there are no current figures for the territory. In that year the territory's exports were estimated at $293 million and imports were $217 million. About 90 percent of the imports originate in South Africa, while about the same percentage of South West Africa's exports go overseas, either directly or through South Africa. As a result, the territory is believed to contribute about 10 percent of the customs union's exports and in 1966 earned about $250 million in foreign exchange for the union. Imports include construction materials, fertilizer, grain and other food products, and manufactured goods, Major exports are diamonds, copper, lead, zinc, pilchard fish, beef cattle, and karakul (sheep) pelts. Mining & Oil Mining is the most important economic activity in South West Africa. It normally contributes almost half of South West Africa's GDP, Output grew rapidly during the 1960's to more than $180 million in 1970. Government income is heavily dependent on the mining industry, particularly the diamond sector, which pays most of the income taxes and special levies. South West Africa's considerable mineral resources provided exports estimated at $200 million in 1967-about 61 percent of all exports, up from 53 percent of those in 1963. South West Africa is one of the world's leading diamond producers. Diamonds normally constitute more than 60 percent of the value of mineral exports and more than one-third of domestically generated revenue. The major diamond producer is Consolidated Diamond Mines, a subsidiary of South Africa's giant Anglo-American Corp. (not U.S.owned or controlled). Other important mineral resources are copper, lead, lead-zinc, and lead-vanadium concentrates. The territory is also a source of tin, iron ore, manganese, cadmium, germanium, silver, flourspar, tantalite, phosphate, sulphur, and salt. The U.S.-controlled Tsumeb Corp. accounts for the bulk of base metal production and is the only sizable U.S. investment in South West Africa. Although large areas of South West Africa, including the entire offshore area, were leased during 1968 for oil prospecting, leases on at least five of the nine concessions had been allowed to lapse by mid-1971. No oil deposits have been discovered thus far in any of the lease areas. Agriculture Stockraising and subsistence agriculture occupy the largest number of people. Stockraising generates two principal exports-beef cattle and karakul (sheep) pelts. Only 30 percent of the territory's land is considered arable (16 inches of rain or more annually). It is located mainly in the north. The remainder of the territory consists of coastal desert and interior highlands, which are devoted to cattle ranching in the central area and to sheep-raising in the south. The Bantuspeaking African tribes dependent on subsistence agriculture and cattle-raising are concentrated in the northern half of the territory. The commercial farming sector is controlled by whites. Commercial agriculture consists of some 5,000 farms or ranches, which in 1970 produced exports of cattle worth $45 million and karakul (sheep) wool worth $46 million. Nonwhites own about 25 percent of the territory's 9 million head of sheep, cattle, and goats. Endemic diseases, particularly hoof-and-mouth disease, handicap commercial exploitation of livestock owned by nonwhites, although government inoculation campaigns centered in the northern reserves have had some success. Agriculture contributed 17 percent to the 1970 GDP. Labor Africans of the territory provide the bulk of the labor force for the mining, agriculture, fishing, and manufacturing industries. They are under a migrant labor policy which restricts residential rights to the reserves or specified urban locations. This labor policy was generally disliked by the African workers, who staged a successful strike in early 1972 to have a more flexible system adopted. Development Plan In 1964 a major economic development plan was devised by the South African Government for the territory, with the principal goal of raising agricultural production. Among the projects proposed to accomplish this were road construction, irrigation expansion, and livestock improvement. The principal irrigation project is a canal network to carry water from the Kunene River some 100 miles into the heart of Ovamboland. The first of this water is expected to be delivered sometime after 1972. Budget Since World War II South West Africa often has recorded an annual budget surplus. Budget revenues normally cover operating expenses and most development expenditures. Revenue accruing to the South West African account of the South African budget from South West African sources in fiscal year 1971 totaled $113.6 million. Infrastructure The territory's economic infrastructure, at least in the white area, is relatively welldeveloped. The South African Railways and Harbors Administration maintains 1,453 miles of rail lines, connecting the mining and ranching areas with ports at Walvis Bay and Luderitz and with the Republic. Walvis Bay, the principal port, handles 1.5 million metric tons of imports and exports per year. There are approximately 2,000 miles of paved highways and 19,000 miles of other roads and tracks, an international airport at Windhoek, and several air strips. The South African Government has announced plans to construct hydroelectric irrigation and other facilities in the territory's northern reserves. U.S. POLICY The United States fully supports and seeks to give effect to the conclusions of the International Court of Justice in its advisory opinions concerning Namibia. It also supports the efforts of the United Nations in this direction, including such measures as the Secretary General is invited to pursue under Security Council Resolution 309, looking to the establishment of conditions necessary for the exercise by Namibians of their right to self-determination and independence in accordance with the U.N. Charter. The United States discourages American investment in Namibia and announced in May 1970 that it will not protect such investment-if made on the basis of rights acquired through the South African Government following termination of the mandate in 1966-against claims of a future lawful government in the territory. The U.S. Government also withholds Export-Import Bank guarantees and other facilities from trade with Namibia. The United States seeks to promote and protect the legal rights of the people of Namibia. It closely follows developments in the territory and has protested South African violations of the rights and well-being of the inhabitants, particularly the illegal application of the Terrorism Act and the Act for Self-Government for Native Nations of South West Africa. PRINCIPAL GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS Administrator-B. J. Van der Walt PRINCIPAL U. S. OFFICIALS The U.S. Government has no official representation in South West Africa. The nearest U.S. consular post is the Consulate General located in the Broadway Industries Center, Foreshore, Cape Town, Republic of South Africa. The consular officers at that post are: Consul General-W. Paul O'Neill, Jr. READING LIST These titles are provided as a general indication of the material currently being published on this country; the Department of State does not endorse the specific views in unofficial publications as representing the position of the U. S. Government, Ballinger, Robert B. South West Africa: The Case Against the Union, Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1961. Bruwer, J. P. Van S. South West Africa: The Disputed Land. Johannesburg: Nasionale Boekhandel Beperk, 1966. First, Ruth, South West Africa. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1963. Horrell, Muriel. South West Africa. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1967. Lowenstein, Allard K. Brutal Mandate: A Journey to South West Africa. New York: Macmillan, 1962. Report of the Commission of Enquiry Into South West Africa Affairs, 1962-1963 (Odendaal Commission report). Pretoria: Government Press. South West Africa Survey 1967. Pretoria: Government Press. State of South Africa-Year Book 1963. Johannesburg: Da Gama. United Nations. Report of the Committee on South West Africa. Supp. 12 of the official records of the 15th Session of the U.N. General Assembly. Wellington, John H. South West Africa and Its Human Issues. London: Oxford University Press, 1967. DEPARTMENT OF STATE PUBLICATION 8168, Revised September 1972 Office of Media Services, Bureau of Public Affairs APPENDIX 16 A MEMORANDUM ON THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN NAMIBIA FROM MAY TO OCTOBER 1973 (Prepared by the London Office of SWAPO) The years 1971 and 1972 have been called "The Years of the General Strike." Most likely the year 1973 will go down in history as "The Year of the Public Floggings." A Massive strike or horrifying, medieval practices like flogging catch the public eye quickly. However, the atrocious brutality which is part of everyday life in Namibia does not easily reach the world's headlines. Thus, although it does not appear so, the floggings now taking place in Northern Namibia are but incidents in a long sequence of happenings, a development whose beginning goes back to April this year shortly before the so-called "self-rule" of the Ovamboland bantustan came into force. On the 30th April three Namibian leaders, Mr. John Otto, Mr. Andreas Nuukwawo and Mr. Johannes Nangutuuala, addressed a so-called illegal meeting in Ovamboland, rejecting the bantustan type of "self-rule" which was approaching. They were arrested one of the first days in May. A few days later the names of six youths, all SWAPO members, were added to the list. They were: Patrick Hidipo, Frans Nangutuuala, Thomas Kamati, Patricio Shilenge, Hezekiel Mahuilili and Desilon Namalo. The name of another man, Mr. Jimmy Ampala, was to follow a couple of days later. It was later learnt that the youths had been arrested at a mission in the middle of April. On the 11th May, at 3.00 a.m. the printing press of the outspoken Evangelical Lutheran Ovambo-Kavango Church at Onipa was totally wrecked by an explosion. It was never discovered who was responsible for the explosion, and arrests were never made of suspects. The press produced the anti-South Africa newspaper Omuukwetu. Elections for the bantustan, to take place on the 1st and 2nd August, were announced in June. The resentment of the puppet chiefs grew rapidly, and a campaign against the so-called elections was put into force. Meetings were held in all parts of Namibia, especially where there were contract workers from the North. The meetings were convened and led by active SWAPO members. The elections were rightly regarded as a betrayal of the Namibian nation, being part of South Africa's detested bantustan policy. The motto "One Namibia, One Nation" was as forceful as ever. In the wake of the campaign came a wave of arrests and detentions, especially in the North. As one SWAPO spokesman said, commenting on the intense police activity: "We see them (the police) driving around everywhere, but we do not know who, or what, they are looking for." The arrests which led to trial were reported in the press, while the majority only later came to the knowledge of people outside the area. Among those detained without trial were women and young children. The result of the bogus elections was a clear victory for the Namibian people. Of those eligible to vote only 2.5% voted. These were the puppet chiefs, indigenous policemen and civil servants of the puppet regime. They were afraid that if they did not vote, they would lose their jobs, and thereby the short-term advantages they had obtained. After the elections were over SWAPO political activities continued in Namibia. There was a feeling of exuberance among people after the elections victory. Political meetings were held in many parts of Namibia. Like before, the SWAPO leaders were in the forefront. A special feature was the activist attitude expressed by the SWAPO Youth League. The young men were determined to speak out, to act, and to encourage the Namibian people to fight against the oppressors. On Sunday the 12th of August, the three leaders originally arrested in Ovamboland in May were taken to court in Ondangua. Around 3000 people, all SWAPO supporters, staged a demonstration. The crowd marched toward the Magis 37-052 0-74- -18 trate's Court, but long before they reached the Court para-military troopers charged into the crowd, beating men, women, and children with batons and riot-sticks. A large number were wounded. Some were taken to hospital while others were left behind on the ground, too ill to move. On the same Sunday the SWAPO Youth League convened a rally in Windhoek. It was attended by about 3000 people. Here the SWAPO speeches were militant and direct. "The freedom is in your hands" said Mr. David Shikomba, Secretary of the SWAPO Youth League-"don't wait until tomorrow, start today."-"Let us stand together and let us fight for freedom in the country in which God created us," said Mr. Eliachim Andrias. Mr. Joseph Kasheha talked about the hated "Black Boers", the puppet chiefs and their henchmen. Several of them were mentioned by name and warned, among them the "Chief Minister" of Ovamboland, Filemon Elifas. The freedom fighters who had given their lives were remembered. "Hundreds have died and their blood is calling," said one of the speakers. All aspects of living conditions under South Africa's illegal occupation were remembered, and a change called for, a change which can only come after people have risen against their oppressors. Although this meeting ended peacefully, little peace was to follow. The speakers had to flee the police soon after the meeting. Some of them managed to escape Windhoek, some stayed behind in hiding. However, the main sequence to this meeting was general unrest, culminating in what was intended as a strike, but which ended as a riot in Katutura on the 20th August. Some of the speakers at the SWAPO rally were caught and charged under the Sabotage Act. Their trial has not finished. These were: Jeremia (Jerry) Ekandjo, Imanuel Napembe, Martin Shilongo, Nehemia Haufika, Eliakim Andrias (quoted earlier). One of the important ingredients in the situation was the untiring activity of SWAPO. Statements were issued to the press, repeating the claim for freedom and urging people to act. "This should be a year of sacrifice for freedom," went one of them, "and a year of the defeat of the imperialist. No weapons on earth can destroy the quest for freedom and no force has ever existed that could curb the rising tide of freedom." Several of the political activists who had escaped the police took part in illegal meetings and sustained the people with their very presence. One of these illegal meetings which took place on the 16th August was most brutally broken up by the police who fired shots into the meeting, killing one man, Benjamin Phineas Ekandjo. According to the Windhoek Advertiser of 19/10/73 this was what happened : An enquiry was held before Mr. H. J. Windhoek's Senior Prosecutor, Mr. S. A. Miller, leading the evidence into the death of Benjamin Phineas, a 19 year old Ovambo of the Katutura compound who died from a bullet wound which entered his chest at the right nipple, penetrated the right lung, cut through the left lung and then penetrated the fourth rib on the left side of the body. Five litres of blood were found in the pleural cavity, but despite this fatal wound he succeeded in walking a considerable distance and climbed over a fence before collapsing and dying. In sworn evidence before the inquiry it was said that despite an autopsy, the bullet which never left the body, could not be found. Mr. Hendrik Johannes Petrus Botha, a Constable of the Police's Security Branch said that he, accompanied by Captain Nel, Warrant Officer Oelofse, Sergeant Wagener and Constable Pearson as well as a Sergeant Louw, went to a certain house in the Ovambo section of the compound in Katutura. It was at night and they saw Black guards patrolling the area. They noticed a feeble light burning in the house and the curtains were drawn. He received instructions to enter the house together with two other officers. There were approximately 50 to 80 Blacks in the house. The kitchen door was not locked and they gained access to the house. The people became aware of their presence and started moving away. Mr. Botha said that he could see the people wanted by the Police sitting at a small table in the lounge and that the minutes of the meeting were lying on this table. David Shikomba, who is still a political fugitive was also at the meeting and he grabbed the minutes, trying to conceal them between his legs, but Mr. Botha said he succeeded in taking the documents. He turned towards Captain Nel to hand him the minutes and heard "grab the books" or "grab the Boers”. |