Constable Botha said that he was then tackled. He was hit, pulled around and his automatic firearm with its holster, fell onto the floor. He saw a Black trying to remove the pistol from its holder attached to a special belt. He was held from the rear but succeeded in jerking forward and grabbing the man who was trying to remove his weapon from its special holder. After managing to get hold of the firearm, it was again jerked from his hands as he was tackled by more blacks. Captain Nel grabbed him on the arm and tried to pull him to safety. Once more he saw his firearm which now lay on the kitchen floor. He succeeded in grabbing the firearm but failed to grab an extra clip.

Mr. Botha said he then fled from the house and he took up position at the window where, armed with an iron bar, he prevented people from escaping through the window. The house was now in total darkness. Mr. Botha said that he saw people approaching him from the eastern side of the house and he recognized one of them as the man who had tried to grab his firearm.

'I warned him to stop, but he did not heed me and came on towards me. Once more I cautioned him to stand and after the third warning I cocked my automatic firearm. I fired a shot in his direction. I did not aim at the man because it was dark, but only fired in his direction. The man ran past me,' Constable Botha said.

He said immediately after he had fired he heard the reports of more shots in front of the house. He heard Captain Nel shouting to his men to move to the Police car and he realized that things were getting out of hand. They reached the car and after getting into it, the Blacks started stoning the vehicle. They left at great speed for the Katutura Police Station.

Mr. Botha said that they did not succeed in making one arrest, nor did they succeed in getting hold of the minutes. The special container of his automatic firearm as well as the extra clip with ammunition were all gone.

It was only the next day that he learned that the man was shot and killed and when taken to the body which was lying in a chicken run, he recognized the man as the person who had tried to take his firearm away from him the previous night.

It was the same man at whom he had fired. There was a high fence between him and the chicken run and how the deceased managed to get to the chicken run was not known to him.

Mr. Jacob Indinua, said that he was a member of the group of Blacks in the house that night. According to his evidence he heard six shots and the next day he picked up a few spent shells as well as a live cartridge. He was later arrested near Buitepos at the Botswana border.

Miss Andelina Iyambo said that the meeting was held in her house that night. It was a SWAPO meeting and songs were sung. She said that the intention of the gathering was to hold a meeting and most of the Blacks present were members of SWAPO. It was also the purpose of the meeting to teach the people SWAPO songs. She could remember that when the Police entered one said 'Hello Sam', addressing Mr. Sam Shiwate.

Sam Shiwate said in a sworn affidavit that he held the lamp. With the pushing of the people, the lamp fell from his hand, crashing to the floor and darkening the house. He heard the Police cautioning the people to be quiet.

It was the unrest sparked off by this incident which culminated in the strike on the 20th August. Hundreds were eventually arrested and detained 'for being illegally in Windhoek.'

A letter by SWAPO leaders has reached us from Windhoek. It described better than any generalized account how it is to be a Namibian today:

WINDHOEK, September 30, 1973. When the people from Ovamboland were to go to the polls to vote for the so-called self-determination for the Ovambo people, the SWAPO Youth League began to hold public meetings to urge Namibians in the Northern districts to boycott the elections. During and after every meeting Namibians were severely beaten by Boers and Ovambo authorities. Those who gave the speeches were arrested. Pregnant women as well as blind and handicapped people were severely beaten the same applies to children. Now the hospitals in Northern Namibia are full of innocent people with open wounds and broken limbs. Although the Boers have kept it secret, many people have died or are missing. Several blind

people are believed to have been pushed into wells. If a Black now meets a Boer in the night, he is brutally beaten. Many people lose their lives like this. About 150 from Ovamboland have been rounded up for the purpose of being sent to fight in the Caprivi Strip.

The Windhoek Compound

We are just now while writing in the second jail of Windhoek. It used to be called "The Compound', now it is called "The Jail'. There are thousands of men living in the compound and they are treated as if they were in jail.

The strike started on the 19th August.

We called upon South Africa to withdraw her administration in Namibia, and to repatriate political prisoners from Robben Island and other parts of South Africa. Boers and mercenaries from the Portuguese colonies surrounded the compound with heavy armaments and dogs. When the Portuguese arrived, they asked the Boers: 'Why have you called us to fight unarmed people?' There were about 150 Portuguese. They beat us Namibians severely.

The Compound Gate in Windhoek

After our strike the South African government set up a colonial gate at the compound. There is a policeman on each side of the gate. You cannot break through the gate, nor get through it without being hurt. This gate is similar to gates used in jails: it is even worse than a jail gate. It has a small thoroughfare like the gate through which cattle have to go when they are being inocculated. You have to walk carefully through it and show your pass to the policeman at the gate both when you enter and when you go out. In fact, people can only enter it in single file. If you have no pass, you end up in jail.

We want the world to know that they must not believe the Boers when they say that there is peace and order in Namibia. The Boers are trying to make the world believe this while the reality is that of brutal arrests, ill-treatment of prisoners and no justice for us. We do not want the Boers to stay in Namibia while our people are treated in this inhuman way. We want to make our own mistakes and to be independent of the Boers. We want our country as one unitary state. We want our independence today. Please publish this in Namibia News so that the world will know our intentions.

The unrest continued all over Namibia, not least in the North. However, much of what happened there never came to the attention of the news media and therefore remains unknown. It has come to our attention, though, that a concentration camp has been set up in the very remote place Omidamba on the NamibiaAngolan border straight east of the Ruacana Falls on the Kunene River. This camp is mainly used as a detention centre where people, who have been arrested, are kept for as long as the authorities choose. Many of those who have been flogged recently have come from the camp in Omidamba.

The unrest in Namibia affected Namibians in all walks of life. In several colleges there were unrest of various kinds. An Augustineum College in Windhoek, 250 pupils were expelled for having taken part in college unrest. Only 14 pupils were later re-admitted. In a statement by SWASOW (the Black Teachers' Association) it was deplored that on the day when the pupils were applying for readmission a police detective had to be present. The statement also pointed out that (a) none of the pupils not re-admitted had been accepted by another state school; (b) that private schools, admitting any of these children, did it at their own risk; and (c) that employers had been requested not to take these pupils in their employment. The unrest at the Augustineum and the other colleges was part of the general expressions of rejection of all that is imposed by the illegal South African administration, an act of solidarity with the workers and the SWAPO leadership.

The SWAPO youth leaders who had managed to escape the police were believed to be staying in Katutura. On the 9th September a massive man-hunt was staged in order to capture four of these. The whole of Katutura township was combed by the police, but none of the wanted men were found. However, 18 other men were arrested on the Botswana border and brought back to Windhoek.

The trial of the three leaders arrested in Ovamboland in May ended on the 20th August. Mr. Nangutuuala was sentenced to R400 (or two years imprisonment) half of which was conditionally suspended; Mr. Otto got a R200 fine (or one year) of which half was also conditionally suspended; Mr. Nuukwawo was fined R100 (or six months) all of which was suspended conditionally. The men

paid their fines, and this was supposed to be the end of the matter. However, in October the so-called Tribal Authorities in Ovamboland began a wave of brutal floggings of people who were summarily arrested and not tried, but kept in detention, as we have indicated already. The first person to appear in the press as having been flogged were Mr. Nangutuuala and Mr. Nuukwawo. It became clear that more than 100 had been publicly flogged, among them women and young children. The men and boys were forced to stand naked while being flogged-one man was even given two extra strokes for not being in the right position for flogging-while women and girls had to hoist their skirts up over their faces while receiving the strokes. Thus the victims were both deeply humiliated as well as physically maltreated. The South African government announced that this is traditional tribunal punishment'. It must be emphasized that the tradition is not 'tribal' but firmly embedded in the South African penal code.

The floggings show a new side of South African ill treatment of Namibians; they do not in any way replace any other maltreatment, they only add to the list of brutal methods. If we now look back at the situation in Ovamboland before and just after the so-called self-rule came into force, we see how tension has been building up between the puppet regime of Ovamboland (the Black Boers) and the Namibians. As we remember, shortly before 'self-rule' was established that same imposition of bogus 'self-rule' was rejected outright by influential Namibian political leaders. The leaders were arrested immediately. Only a few days later the printing-press, which could have been an important means of spreading political information, was totally wrecked. When it turned out that the Namibians could not be silenced but that they on the contrary threatened the puppet regime, harsher methods of dealing with the situation were obviously suggested by the South Africans, and promptly taken into use. This suited the South African government very well as it could be called ‘internal strife', something which would not appear as a threat to the white community. However, the brutal floggings are now internationally known and condemned, and this, we trust, the South African white community cannot avoid hearing.

A very important feature of the situation is the active role of SWAPO. People were flogged for singing SWAPO songs, calling our country Namibia, and in any way associating themselves with SWAPO. The sharply outspoken leadership, their revolutionary behaviour, the fact that they were able to sustain the people while hiding from the police, all these things show that the basic political framework of the situation is now coming out into the open. It is now no longer possible to avoid mentioning SWAPO when describing or discussing the Namibian situation because SWAPO is the umbrella under which all political activity takes place. There is a clear confrontation in Namibia today between SWAPO on one side and Boers, black or white, on the other. It is not our task to predict, but so much can be said that it is pretty clear that the situation will not turn back, but that the momentum created will increase steadily. Perhaps blood will flow even more freely, as the SWAPO Youth League predicted, but this will not deter us Namibians from shaping our destiny ourselves.

RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Outright condemnation of these inhuman and brutal atrocities committed by the South African Government illegally occupying Namibia.

2. Give publicity to the Namibian situation, using all channels available to

you.

3. Put pressure on the South African Government illegally in Namibia to discontinue this gross violation of human rights.

4. Increased financial assistance to dependants of victims of South African illegal administration to alleviate their suffering.

In conclusion it must be emphasized that the situation in Namibia, as can be seen from the enclosed memo, is one which can be compared to that during Nazi Germany's occupation in Europe. As such, it calls for world-wide action to bring to an end South Africa's occupation of Namibia in total defiance of the international community.

APPENDIX 1

Names given by SWAPO Youth League in Namibia of people arrested, detained

There are 58 additional persons arrested whose names our source did not

APPENDIX 17

LIST OF U.S. FIRMS HAVING DIRECT INVESTMENTS IN SELECTED INDUSTRIES IN AFRICA AS OF 1970

(Prepared by the Bureau of International Commerce, Africa Division)

This list includes direct capital investment in manufacturing, banking, advertising, tourism, consulting and extractive industries (including exploration activities). Investment in sales and service companies solely is excluded, as are royalty or profit sharing arrangements. In several instances, investment is through European subsidiaries of U.S. firms. Companies owned by locally resident individual Americans are listed only if they are incorporated in the United States. The list cannot be regarded as all-inclusive.

Division, subsidiary, or affiliate names are given, in parentheses, when they differ substantially from the corporate title-except that this has not been attempted in most cases where firms operate in more than one country under different names.

Additional information on the activities of these firms in Africa can usually be obtained by using this list in conjunction with a corporate directory such as Dun and Bradstreet, Moody's, Standard and Poor's, or the Thomas Register.

Abbott Laboratories-Kenya.

African Research and Development Company, Inc. (Nigerian Doughnut Company Ltd.)-Nigeria.

Aluminum Company of America-Guinea, Ivory Coast, Morocco, Tunisia. Amerada Hess Corporation-Cameroon, Libya, Togo.

American Express Co.-Tunisia.

American Metal Climax, Inc.-Botswana, Zambia.

American Mining and Exploration Company-Libya.

American Oil Company (AMOCO)-Mauritania, Mozambique.

Ashland Oil & Refining Co.-Libya, Togo.

Associated Mine Services, Inc. (National Iron Ore Co.)-Liberia.

Joseph Atchison-Algeria.

Atlantic Richfield Company-Libya.

Baird Chemical Corporation (West African Explosives & Chemicals Ltd.)— Liberia.

Baker Oil Tools, Inc.-Algeria.

Bankers Trust Company-Cameroon, Congo (Brazzaville), Ivory Coast, Liberia, Nigeria, Senegal, Tunisia.

Bank of America-Burundi, Cameroon, Congo (Brazzaville), Zaire, Gambia, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Tunisia, Uganda. Bechtel Corporation-Algeria, Libya.

Bethlehem Steel Corporation-Gabon, Lesotho, Liberia, Sierra Leone.
Bishop Oil and Refining Company-Niger.

Booz Allen & Hamilton-Algeria.

Brown and Root, Inc.-Angola.

Builders International Inc.-Senegal.

Core Laboratories-Algeria.

Carnation Sea Foods-Angola.

Chase Manhattan Bank, N.A.-Angola, Cameroon, Gambia, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, South-West Africa, Swaziland, Uganda, Zarie (Arcturus Investment and Development Ltd.) All but Mali, Dahomey, and Nigeria.

Chemical Bank-Liberia.

Chesebrough-Ponds, Inc.-Malawi, Nigeria, Zambia.
Chevron-Equatorial Guinea.

Cities Service Company-Cameroon, Kenya.

Clark Oil and Refining Corporation-Mozambique.
Clinton Oil Company-Sierra Leone.