1.

United Nations

The various divisions of UN working on Namibia should coordinate their information and activities.

2.

We request the Council for Namibia to make available to action groups and researchers a regular working paper on current events in Namibia and international actions on the issue.

3.

The Council for Namibia should coordinate research on a basic reference work on Namibia outlining statistical information, history, legal aspects, and geographical factors, including the economic structure. Existing information should be included. The Council should also produce a map of Namibia.

4.

The Council should recommend to the General Assembly that West German membership of the UN should be conditional on their observation of UN resolutions on Namibia.

5.

The United Nations should make renewed and intensified efforts for South Africa to be excluded from specialised agencies such as GATT, the World Bank and the IMF.

6.

The agreement of the IMF and South Africa concerning gold sales of December 1969 operates exclusively to South Africa's advantage and is probably harmful to world economic arrangements. It must be terminated immediately.

7.

The General Assembly should resolve that all export credits, guarantees and loans for Namibia are completely illegal.

8.

The General Assembly should consider making an agreement that South Africa should be denied access to the capital market for loans, which are essential to South Africa's balance of payments.

9.

The above point can also be recommended to the Security Council as a means for pressure on South Africa in regard to Namibia.

10.

Britain's refusal to recognize the Opinion of the International Court of Justice on Namibia, and France's continued supply of arms to South Africa may be considered as making them unfit to be permanent members of the Security Council and this should be taken up under the question of charter revision coming up this year in the General Assembly.

11. The Fifth Committee should give a greatly increased budget allocation to the budget for the Council for Namibia.

12.

The Council for Namibia should make arrangements in consultation with SWAPO to use all information media such as better radio facilities into Namibia, and use some of the time to advocate feasible actions by the resistance in Namibia, such as refusal to work on karakul farms.

13. The Council for Namibia should give priority to seeking representation of Namibia in intemational conferences, and in all activities concerning Namibia.

14. The United Nations should prepare a paper on the world-wide interests of AMEX, RTZ, Pechiney and Falconbridge, for the use of countries where these firms have interests.

ACTION COMMISSION

Conclusions

1.

That there should be an active commitment by govemments, international organizations and national bodies to SWAPO and the liberation struggle in Namibia and that financial and material aid should be provided as a matter of urgency.

2. That there should be national campaigns for the recognition of SWAPO as the authentic organ of the people of Namibia and unequivocal support for the armed struggle. 3. That there should be a clear recognition that the liberation of Namibia will be undertaken by the people of Namibia and that all other agencies and organizations must consider themselves as servants of the people of Namibia and their liberation movement.

4. That greater emphasis must be paid to the illegality of all forms of collaboration with the racist apartheid state in Namibia. In particular: investments; economic, trading, shipping, monetary and fiscal links with South Africa which relate to Namibia must not only be discouraged but considered as illegal so that priority should be given to the withdrawal of such forms of assistance. Disengagement is the urgent task facing the solidarity struggle.

Action Proposals

1. Greater emphasis should be paid to August 26th as the day of Solidarity with the people of Namibia. In some states it may be possible to organize a Week of Solidarity with SWAPO either around the 26th August or if this is not possible, at some other time of the year to focus public attention on Namibia.

2.

That publicity, information and propoganda must be porduced in a form palatable to the general public.

3.

That, recognizing that different conditions apply in different countries, there should be coordination of effort and, especially, publicity at the international level. This is especially important for following up the decisions of the International Conference. An international bulletin on Namibia was proposed as one form of coordination.

4.

That the conference decisions should be brought to the attention of important international and regional organizations so that there would be greater understanding of the issues relating to Namibia and the necessity for action. In particular, it was suggested that delegations to the Organization of African Unity and the EEC might be sent.

5. That the international trade union movements should coordinate their work to combat South Africa and to provide assistance to the people of Namibia. Greater emphasis should be laid on work in different states especially in Western Europe to the work of the education of the labour movement.

6. That activity against individual firms with strong links in Namibia: e.g. Rio Tinto Zinc, should be undertaken. Subsidiaries of such firms operating in Africa and Asia should be pressurized to demand the withdrawal of their parent companies from Namibia.

7.

That humanitarian assistance should be provided in different forms to SWAPO and the Namibian people. Campaigns on political prisoners held by South Africa would help to focus attention on South Africa's treatment of the Namibian people. Campaigns to force South Africa to treat SWAPO guerrillas as prisoners of war, assistance of the families of political prisoners, aid for the legal defence of all victims of apartheid would assist in the solidarity work.

8. That urgent priority should be given to the strict observance of the arms embargo ordered by the Security Council against South Africa. In particular, the NATO countries must be discouraged by popular campaigns to stop supplying South Africa with the weapons which are being used to suppress the people of Namibia and to combat SWAPO.

9. That all activity which isolates South Africa in the economic, political, diplomatic, sporting and cultural areas, would assist the Namibia people in their struggle. In particular, it was proposed that there should be no trade or association agreement between the EEC and South Africa, and if the EEC accepts South Africa's right to act for Namibia that it should be recognized that the EEC were acting illegally.

10. That campaigns should be launched, especially in the trade union movement in Europe, to discourage emigration to South Africa, because such white emigration directly assists South Africa to maintain its power structure in Namibia.

11. That national organizations should demand that their own churches should

support the World Council of Churches in their stand on Southern Africa and especially the WCC programme of aid and assistance to the liberation movements.

AN URGENT APPEAL OF THE NAMIBIA INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

TO THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY

1.

Resolution 2145 (XXI) of 1966 and subsequent decisions of the United Nations, together with the Advisory Opinion of the Intemational Court of Justice, 1971, have declared that South Africa's presence in Namibia constitutes a flagrant violation of international law.

2. Legal authority over Namibia lies not with the South African Government but with the UN Council for Namibia; arrangements negotiated with South Africa are therefore subject not only to challenge in courts of law, but to repudiation by the authentic representatives of the people of the territory.

3. Moreover, economic supportive links provided for the South African regime by member states of the EEC and by negotiations between the EEC and the South African Republic, serve and would serve to reinforce the illegal South African occupation of Namibia to obstruct the assertion of international authority and to impede the just struggle for independence of the Namibian people.

4.

This Namibia International Conference therefore makes an urgent appeal to the EEC and its members to reject all negotiations and dealings with the South African Government and to make a principled commitment refusing to recognize South Africa as the authority over Namibia.

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APPENDIX 19

REPORT OF VISIT TO SOUTH AFRICA AND NAMIBIA BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS (JANUARY 13 TO JANUARY 19, 1974) INCLUDING REPORT OF THE TRIAL OF The State vs. Theo Kotze, JAN. 14-15, 1974

I was in South Africa from Sunday, 13 January to Saturday, 19 January.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST DR. BEYERS NAUDÉ

The primary object of the visit was to attend as an observer on behalf of the International Commission of Jurists the trial of Dr. Beyers Naudé, Peter Randall and Danie van Zyl, who are being prosecuted in their capacity as Directors of the Ravan Press (the press of the Christian Institute). The trial was due to start on Tuesday January 15, but as one of the defendants, Peter Randall, was summoned to appear in court that day at Pretoria under another charge, it had been decided (as I learned on arrival) to adjourn the Johannesburg case. This is now due to be heard on February 28. The charge in this case is preferred under the Suppression of Communism Act and arises out of the sale of one copy of a broadsheet which contained two quotations from Paul Pretorius, one of the recently banned NUSAS students. It is consequently an offence to publish any statement by him. Arrangements had been made to obliterate these passages before the broadsheet was sold, but this copy was sold inadvertently during a lunch hour by a girl who was not one of the normal sales staff and who thought it was in order to sell it. In spite of the fact that the offence was committed purely inadvertently, the authorities have thought fit to prosecute. It is believed that a second charge may be preferred under the Publications and Entertainments Act in relation to four posters produced by the press. The charge would be that the posters were "likely to cause feelings of hostility between the races". Reproductions of the posters will be found in Peter Randall's SPROCAS report "A Taste of Power".

TRIAL OF REV. THEO KOTZE

In view of the adjournment of the Ravan Press case, I decided to attend the trials which were due to be held during the week at Pretoria against Dorothy Clemenshaw, Theo Kotze, Peter Randall, Brian Brown, Roelf Meyer and Danie van Zyl, all members of the staff of the Christian Institute, for having refused to testify before the Schlebusch Commission. The trial of Dorothy Clemenshaw had started the previous week. On Monday morning judgment was given against her, in which she was held guilty and fined 20 Rand (or 10 days imprisonment in default) and in addition given a sentence of 2 months imprisonment suspended for 3 years on condition that she did not during that period refuse again to give evidence before a Commission if called upon to do so.

The trial then began against the Rev. Theo Kotze. A report of this trial is at Appendix A. Owing to objections by the Schlebusch Commission to evidence which the magistrate had permitted to be given, this incompleted trial is adjourned until February 20. Dates of the other trials have been fixed as follows: Peter Randall, 4 February; Roelf Meyer, 20 March; Brian Brown, 22 March; Danie van Zyl, 26 March.

INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS CONFERENCE

As there were no further trials of interest to be held during my week in South Africa, I went to Cape Town on Tuesday evening to attend the Institute of Race Relations Conference on the Future of the Homelands. The Conference was attended by most of the leading homeland chiefs. The principal event at the Conference was a lecture given by Chief Gatsha Buthelezi before an audience of