brought us to the very edge of victory and from which the meeting today has sprung. It was he who named them the United Nations and we shall best honor his memory by proving ourselves worthy of that proud title. Sir, let us be clear about the purposes of this Conference. We are not here to draft the terms of a treaty of peace. We are met to agree to set up a world Organization which will help to keep the peace when the victory is finally won as it will be over both Germany and Japan. There have been moments in history when mankind has tried by the creation of some international machinery to solve disputes between nations by agreements and not by force. Hitherto, Sir, all these endeavors have failed. Yet no one here doubts that despite these earlier failures a further attempt must be made and this time we must succeed. All the causes, and there were many, which made some form of international machinery desirable after the last war make it indispensable today. In the last hundred years, and especially in the last twenty-five years, the discoveries of science have served to enrich and sometimes to endanger the world but above all to contract it. We have entered an age, and we would do well to remember it, when no national barrier, whether mountain or ocean, can guarantee security against the new weapons which science has placed at the disposal of mankind. This hard fact is now biting deeply into the consciousness of all peoples, and they are, as I believe, ready to accept its implications and to shoulder the responsibilities which it imposes. Therein, Ladies and Gentlemen, lies the main difference between today and the lost opportunities at the end of the last world war. Today this fact is patent to all. No one will dispute it. Whether we will or not, we are all now one another's neighbors. San Francisco is as close to Berlin or to Tokyo now as New York was to Washington a hundred years ago. The world of today is one large city, and our countries are its several parishes. We are the citizens. Either together we must find some means of ordering our relations with justice and fair-dealing, while allowing nations great and small full opportunity to develop their free and independent life either we must do that-or we shall soon head for another world conflict which this time must bring utter destruction of civilization in its trail. Ladies and Gentlemen, it is no exaggeration to say that the work which we are starting on here in this meeting may be the world's last chance. That is why the Governments of the four countries who sponsored the invitation to this Conference asked their representatives to meet together and to work out proposals which might later form the basis of an international agreement. They did so at Dumbarton Oaks. Their work was examined and was completed in the Crimea. The final outcome is now before you, and now, Sir, there are one or two brief observations about these Proposals which I would make. In the first place, these Proposals admittedly constitute a compromise. In the second place, they do not constitute an attempt by the four powers to dictate to the rest of the world what form the future world organization should take. They are suggestions which we present to you-which unitedly we present to you for your consideration. Nor, Sir, are they intended to stand unchanged until the end of time. For our part, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom are prepared to accept and endorse them, to do their best to give them life because we believe that they can form a basis for a future world Organization which will help to provide us with that security which is today mankind's greatest need. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, security is not itself a final end. It is indispensable if we are to make true freedom possible; not otherwise can we hope to realize a world in which justice for nations as well as for individuals can prevail. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, this security cannot be created in a day nor by any documents, however admirable. It must be the product of time and of constant effort, of learning to work together, of practicing and upholding accepted standards of international conduct. The important thing is to begin now. Now here, Sir, let me sound a note of warning and make a suggestion. Let me say how emphatically I agree with your words of a short while ago. Let us not at this session attempt too much. We cannot hope here to produce a complete scheme, perfect in all its elaborate details, for the future ordering of the world under all possible circumstances. I am persuaded on the contrary that we shall be wise to set ourselves a goal more within the compass of our immediate possibilities. We shall have taken the indispensable first step. If we can now draw up a charter within the framework of our principles, the details can then be left to be filled in in the light of experience. Well I know that what I have said just now is essentially an AngloSaxon conception, and I am conscious that there are others here and that therefore this conception may be challenged by others; but, Sir, I am convinced that in this particular case it is right, and I will claim that its merit is capable of proof by reference to historical facts. Now, Sir, let me make a brief reference to the Proposals themselves. They impose obligations equally on all of us, on every power here represented. But I am conscious that a special responsibility lies on great powers in these days when industrial potential is so decisive a factor in military struggle. Now, Sir, great powers can make a two-fold contribution. They can make it by their support of this Organization. They can make it also by setting themselves certain standards in international conduct and by observing those standards scrupulously in all their dealings with other countries. Sir, the greater the power any state commands, the heavier its responsibility to wield its power with consideration for others and with restraint upon its own selfish impulses. What was the most sinister feature of the years which immediately preceded the present struggle? It was, I submit to you, the deliberate debasement of international conduct in which Germany, Italy, and Japan engaged to further their own selfish plan. It was the practice of these powers not only persistently to violate their engagements but to use new engagements which they so readily undertook after each aggression as a cloak to cover their next triumph. That was the technique. And what was the result? There came a time when the outraged forces of civilization had to call a halt to these practices, and so inevitably the world was plunged into another war. Great powers have a special responsibility to guard against the recurrence of such practices. So I have laid emphasis on the provision of international machinery for the settlement of political disputes. But of equal importance with this is the solution of economic problems which if untended can themselves sow the seeds of future war. This will be the task of the Economic and Social Council which finds its place in the Proposals now before you. It is our duty to insure that this Council shall be well adapted to play its full part in our new structure of peace. Here then, Sir, are our two immediate tasks, political and economic. Let us press them vigorously to a conclusion. World events of unprecedented magnitude, both in the East and in the West, crowd upon us at every hour. If we order our labors efficiently, if we work to the utmost of our strength, it should surely be possible for us to agree on our charter within four weeks from now. So I hope we shall set ourselves such a target and determine to reach it. We cannot afford to delay. This Conference bears heavy responsibilities; it has also splendid opportunities. Let it seize them now. Ladies and Gentlemen, before I conclude, I would just like to give you one experience which was mine in the early days of this war, which I think has perhaps its lesson for us all in the work we have to do. In the early days of this war, I went to Egypt to greet soldiers from Australia and from New Zealand who had come to that country to protect the Suez Canal against the imminent threat of Mussolini's aggression. On the evening after they had arrived, I was speaking to a number of the men on the motives that had made them volunteer to come those many thousands of miles for this duty. And of the group as we talked, one man remained quite silent. At last, I turned to him and I said, "And what made you come here?" And he replied, "I guess there is a job of work to be done". Sir, in the last six terrible years, unnumbered men have died to give humanity another chance; unnumbered men have died because they felt there was a job of work to be done. We too have a job of work to do if we are not to fail these men. Let us do it with courage, modesty, and dispatch. Let us do it now. Mr. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, that concludes the First Plenary Session of the Conference. The Steering Committee, may I remind you, will meet again tomorrow morning at 10:30 in the same room in which we met this morning. The Second Plenary Session will be held in this Opera House at 3:30 tomorrow afternoon when we will hear from certain of our other distinguished chairmen of delegations. We stand adjourned. Verbatim Minutes of the Second Plenary Session, Doc. 20, April 28 April 27 Mr. STETTINIUS: Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, the Second Plenary Session of the United Nations Conference on International Organization is hereby convened. The first part of our session this afternoon will be devoted to the business of organizing the Conference. After this is completed, the chairmen of the delegations, other than the chairmen of the sponsoring delegations who spoke at the First Plenary Session yesterday, will address the Conference. The chairmen of the delegations met yesterday morning and again this morning for the purpose of considering and recommending to the plenary session the organization of the Conference. The meeting of the chairmen of delegations appointed the Chairman of the Delegation of Cuba, Dr. Guillermo Belt, as Rapporteur, who will now present to you his report based upon the action of the Steering Com mittee. Each item as it is presented by Dr. Belt will be considered immediately after it is read. And I now welcome Dr. Belt to the rostrum. Mr. BELT: Thank you, Mr. Stettinius. The chairmen of all delegations represented at the United Nations Conference on International Organization met on April 26 and 27, 1945, at 10:30 a.m., for the purpose of organizing the Conference. The Honorable Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., temporary President of the Conference, acted as Chairman. Working languages of the Conference: The meeting recommends that at plenary sessions of the Conference addresses in English or French would not be interpreted into the other language, but that a translation would appear subsequently in the Record. Delegates would be free to use any other language besides English or French, but in this case they should provide interpretations thereof into either English or French, at their choice. Interpretations may be made into both English or French if the speaker desires. As regards meetings of commissions, technical committees and subcommittees, it is recommended that interpretations from English into French and vice versa would be provided if the meeting in question so desired. Delegates would be free in these bodies also to speak in any other language, but should provide their own interpretations into either English or French. Mr. STETTINIUS: Does any delegate wish to comment upon this recommendation? In the absence of objection, the recommendation will be approved. Dr. Belt, will you continue with your report? Mr. BELT: Official languages of the Conference: The meeting recommends that English, Russian, Chinese, French, and Spanish be the official languages of the Conference. A more detailed report on the question of languages will be submitted tomorrow. Mr. STETTINIUS: Is there any comment on this recommendation by any delegate? If not, the recommendation is approved. Mr. BELT: The meeting unanimously elected the Chairman of the Delegation of Cuba as its Rapporteur. Secretary-General of the Conference: The meeting recommends the confirmation of the temporary Secretary-General, Mr. Alger Hiss, as the Secretary-General of the Con ference. Mr. STETTINIUS: Hearing no objection, Ladies and Gentlemen, Mr. Hiss is approved by acclamation. Mr. BELT: Organization of the Conference: The meeting approved the memorandum prepared by the temporary Secretary-General on the proposed organization of the Conference, and will submit to the Conference its report based thereon as soon as possible. Election of presiding officers: The meeting recommends that there be four Presidents, who will preside in rotation at the plenary sessions. These four may meet from time to time, with Mr. Stettinius presiding over these meetings, and Mr. Stettinius to be Chairman of the Executive and Steering Committees, the three others delegating full powers to Mr. Stettinius for conducting the business of the Conference. 665605-46-18 Mr. STETTINIUS: Has any delegate any comment on this suggestion? Is there any objection? The recommendation is approved. Dr. Belt, will you proceed? Mr. BELT: Membership of the Executive Committee: Francis Michael Forde or Herbert Vere Evatt, K.C., Chairman of the Delegation of Australia Pedro Leão Velloso, Chairman of the Delegation of Brazil W. L. Mackenzie King, M.P., Chairman of the Delegation of Canada Joaquín Fernández, Chairman of the Delegation of Chile T. V. Soong, Chairman of the Delegation of China Jan Masaryk, Chairman of the Delegation of Czechoslovakia Ezequiel Padilla, Chairman of the Delegation of Mexico Eelco N. van Kleffens, Chairman of the Delegation of the Netherlands V. M. Molotov, Chairman of the Delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Anthony Eden, Chairman of the Delegation of the United Kingdom Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., Chairman of the Delegation of the United States Ivan Subasić, Chairman of the Delegation of Yugoslavia Mr. STETTINIUS: You have heard the recommendation for the membership of the Executive Committee. Are there any further nominations? If there are no further nominations, members of the Executive Committee will stand approved as recommended by the Steering Committee. Dr. Belt. Mr. BELT: Agenda of the Conference: The meeting recommends that the Conference approve as its agenda the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals as supplemented at the Crimea Conference and by the Chinese proposals agreed to by all the sponsoring governments, and the comments thereon submitted by the participating countries. Mr. STETTINIUS: Has any delegate any comment on this recommendation? If there is no comment, the recommendation stands approved. Mr. BELT: Rules of procedure: The meeting discussed the rules of procedure for the Conference on the basis of a memorandum prepared by the Secretariat. The report of the meeting will be submitted to the Conference in plenary session for its approval as soon as possible. The initial membership of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic in the proposed International Organization: The meeting recommends that the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic be invited to be initial members in the proposed International Organization. Mr. STETTINIUS: Does any delegate wish to comment on this unanimous recommendation of the Steering Committee to the plenary session? Hearing no objection, the recommendation is approved. Mr. BELT: Credentials Committee: The meeting appointed a Credentials Committee, composed of six members, appointed by the chairmen of the delegations of the following governments: Luxembourg (Chairman), Ecuador, Nicaragua, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Yugoslavia. |