Traditional principles, geographical imperatives, all impel us Brazilians, therefore, to prevent war and to desire the solid organization of a definitive system of security, for the efficiency of which we pledge all our resources in peace and in war, without demanding rewards and without measuring sacrifices.

Mr. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, it gives me great pleasure to present to you as our closing speaker at this Second Plenary Session the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Mackenzie King.

Mr. KING: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, the Canadian Delegation comes to this Conference with one central purpose in view. That purpose is to cooperate as completely as we can with the delegations of other nations in bringing into being, as soon as possible, a Charter of world security.

This Conference is meeting at a time without parallel in the history of human affairs. The present is one of those moments of transition when an old order is passing away. As representatives of the United Nations, we are all here to help lay the foundations of a new world order. The ends that we seek to serve transcend the limits of race and the bounds of nationality.

We would do well to seek to match our deliberations to the rapid movement of events. While the fires of war are still burning fiercely, the opportunity is given to this Conference to forge and fashion from those fires an instrument for world security. In the execution of this great task, there should be no avoidable delay. It is ours to give to grief-stricken humanity a hope of which it is in greater need today than it has ever been before. It is ours to help to bring into being a world community in which social security and human welfare will become a part of the inheritance of mankind.

The support we owe to the fighting forces of the United Nations must extend beyond the theaters of war. It must look beyond the end of hostilities. We owe it to all who have borne the heat of the strife, we owe it to the memory of those who have given their lives, to do all in our power to insure that their services and their sacrifice shall not have been in vain.

In the past, the sacrifices of human life in war have been commemorated in monuments of stone or bronze. The only memorial worthy of the service and sacrifice of this war is one which will help to secure to peoples everywhere the opportunities of a more abundant life.

Perhaps this great gathering would permit me, as one who represents a country which has such close ties with the United States, to say how deeply Čanada felt and will continue to feel the loss of so close a friend and so good a neighbor as President Roosevelt. To many here who enjoyed his friendship, his death was a deeply moving, personal bereavement. To the United States, in its national bereavement, I should like again to express our sympathy.

But the passing of Franklin Roosevelt was more than a loss to neighboring countries. It is a loss to the whole freedom-loving world. That loss places upon each and every one of us a greater responsibility. If the spirit of Franklin Roosevelt pervades the deliberations of this Conference, its success will be assured. The highest tribute which we, of the United Nations, can pay to his memory is, by our united efforts, to build a world Organization which will express his life's aims and his life's ideals-a system of international cooperation which will banish from the world the threat of war, and the fear of war.

To those who have come to this continent from other lands I can express no higher hope for the future of mankind than that out of the instrument we are now fashioning there may develop relations among all nations similar to those which for generations have been the common possession of Canada and the United States.

May I add a further personal reference? All present will join with Mr. Stettinius in the hope he expressed that, before the Conference concludes, Mr. Cordell Hull will be sufficiently restored in health to join in our deliberations. Mr. Hull's name will always be associated with the origins of the world security Organization. His years of devoted service to the cause of world freedom, his great political wisdom, his fortitude, at his age, in making the arduous journey to Moscow in 1943, and the large share he has had in shaping the proposals we are now considering have earned for him an enduring place among the founders of the United Nations.

The proceedings of this Conference have been greatly facilitated by the preparatory work already done at Dumbarton Oaks and at Yalta by the inviting powers. We may all rejoice that the great powers have achieved unified proposals for a world security Organization. That is a great step forward, a mighty contribution already made toward the establishment and maintenance of world peace.

The rapid movement of events on the battlefronts and the heavy demands on all who are represented here at San Francisco make it most desirable to begin as early as possible the detailed consideration of the proposals before the Conference.

It is not the intention of the Canadian Delegation to put forth in plenary session special amendments to the proposal. Our Delegation will express its point of view at an appropriate time and place on specific questions as they arise. Our sole preoccupation in any amendment which we may put forward or support at a later stage will be to help in creating an organization which over the years and decades to come will be strong enough and flexible enough to stand any strains to which it may be subjected.

We shall not be guided by considerations of national pride or prestige and shall not seek to have changes made for reasons such as these. We recognize the principle that power and responsibility must go hand in hand and that international security depends primarily upon the maintenance of an overwhelming preponderance of power on the side of peace. Power, however, is not exclusively concentrated in the hands of any four or five states, and the Conference should not act on the assumption that it is. Such a position would not only be contrary to the facts as they have been demonstrated in the past five years but it would also be dangerous to the cause of security itself, for it would foster in many smaller countries the development of a new type of isolationism, a feeling that the task of preserving the peace could be left exclusively to great powers. Such a habit of thought would make it difficult for the smaller powers to make their contribution. Experience has shown that the contribution of smaller powers is not a negligible one, either to the preserving of the peace or to its restoration when peace has been disturbed.

The people of Canada are firm in their resolve to do whatever lies in their power to insure that the world will not be engulfed for a third time by a tidal wave of savagery and despotism. That is why our Parliament overwhelmingly endorsed the acceptance of the invitation to Canada to participate in this Conference. That is why our Parlia

ment accepted the proposals of the inviting powers as a satisfactory general basis for the discussion of the proposed Charter. That is why the Delegation from Canada received from Parliament a mandate to use its best endeavors at this Conference to further an agreement to establish a world security Organization. The measure of the unanimity of our country is to be found in its delegation to this Conference. The delegates were selected while our Parliament was in session. They were chosen from both houses and from both sides of each house. They represent all important shades of opinion in Canada.

In conclusion, may I express my firm conviction that the spirit in which we approach the great task of this Conference will determine the measure of its success. It is for each nation to remember that over all nations is humanity. It is for all to remember that justice is the common concern of mankind. The years of war have surely taught the supreme lesson that men and nations should not be made to serve selfish national ends, whether those ends be isolated self-defense or world domination. Nations everywhere must unite to save and to serve humanity.

Mr. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, that brings to a close our Second Plenary Session. I should like to announce that the next plenary session will be held tomorrow morning at 10:30. I shall ask Dr. Soong to preside at that plenary session. The Fourth Plenary Session will be held tomorrow afternoon at 3:30. I shall ask Mr. Molotov to preside at that time. The following, the Fifth Plenary Session, will take place Monday afternoon at 3:30, and at that time I will ask the Right Honorable Anthony Eden to preside over that

session.

Unless there is further business to come before the meeting, we will stand adjourned until 10:30 tomorrow morning in this same building.

Verbatim Minutes of the Third Plenary Session,

Docs. 22 and 130, April 29 and May 8

April 28

Mr. SOONG: Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, the Conference on International Organization is called to order. At this session of the Conference we shall have the honor of hearing further statements from the chairmen of the delegations.

I shall recognize in alphabetical order those who have indicated a desire to speak to the Conference at this time.

First I recognize His Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the Delegation of Czechoslovakia.

Mr. MASARYK: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, the preceding distinguished speakers paid eloquent tributes to Franklin Delano Roosevelt. May I join them in saying that the suffering people all over the world, people in distress, people bewildered by the succession of horrors of this cataclysm, have lost a tower of strength to draw courage from, a dear, understanding, helping friend. I have come to beautiful San Francisco on my way to Prague, the lovely capital of Czechoslovakia. I came from London by way of Moscow, where I had the privilege of seeing the unique effort of the magnificent people of the Soviet Union, led by that great Marshal Stalin. Yesterday the papers brought news to the Czechoslovak Delegation which some of you may have overlooked. Brno, the capital of our Province of Moravia, has been liberated by the Red Army. Our

joy is more than equaled by our everlasting gratitude to our Slav brothers.

Yesterday we also heard that the American and British Forces have met their Soviet Allies on German territory, in order to squeeze the remaining life out of Hitler's vulgar Valhalla once and for all-very good news welcomed by all who have suffered at the hands of the Huns. One of the good qualities of Czechoslovaks is that they know how to be grateful. We are deeply grateful indeed to the liberating Red Army, to Great Britain for giving us asylum and hospitality during the blackest days of our history, and to the United States for their generous help and understanding. One of the last telegrams President Roosevelt sent before he left us was to my chief, President Beneš, congratulating him on my Government's return to our liberated territory. He was like that.

After Dunkirk, Great Britain-and I was there at the time-stood alone and at that moment the voice of Winston Churchill was the voice of all decent people on earth. Some people say it was a miracle. I am not too good at believing in miracles, but I did not believe that Great Britain would be overwhelmed, and I said so at the time.

Then came the epic of Stalingrad. From Stalingrad the Red Army has marched to Berlin because, as Mr. Eden said, there was a job to be done, and what a job they did.

And then the invasions of Africa and the continent of Europe. Miracles? Perhaps, but very well prepared miracles.

I represent a small country in size, placed in the heart of Europe. My country signed a treaty with the Soviet Union a year and a half ago. We intend to cooperate with our great eastern ally loyally and whole-heartedly, at the same time keeping up our long and fruitful relations with the western democracies.

I was in London while the courageous inhabitants of that great metropolis, women and children, faced a continuous attack, almost as deadly as that on the battlefronts. Indeed, London was a battlefront. To have lived with the London folk during these continuous trials and dangers is a privilege I honor and cherish more than I can say. They were magnificent.

I have seen heroes from the underground of Warsaw, Belgrade, Brussels, Athens, Paris, and Prague, and in their presence I felt very humble indeed.

If I judge the spirit of this Conference correctly, I am addressing the representatives of the people who have fought a good fight to win this war. Who are they? They are the countless heroes of the United Nations, the Red Army, the G.I.'s, the British Tommies; they are the Chinese warriors; they are the Russian, Polish, Yugoslav, French, and Czechoslovak guerrillas, and, last but not least, the suffering inhabitants of the terrible concentration camps and ghettos. My country, Fellow Delegates, has been one concentration camp since 1939. To make the world worthy of all their sacrifices and sufferings, to keep faith with our dead, this Conference has been convened. We who have survived in comparative safety have an almost crushing responsibility. Ours is a collective job of the first magnitude. We shall either create an effective Organization to guarantee a permanent peace, even by force, if necessary, or we shall descend to the depth of iniquity which I once called a mechanized Stone Age.

In San Francisco there are, at this moment, assembled delegates of 46 nations, who for the last 25 years have been affected profoundly

by the lack of an international instrument with a punch behind it. The idea of the League of Nations was a very lofty one, but the punch was conspicuous by its absence. That cannot be repeated. By now all of us have had the opportunity to study the Dumbarton Oaks draft from all the various aspects. Undoubtedly there are points which it may be worthwhile to reexamine jointly when the time comes. For my own part, questions such as the revitalization of international law, and of the observance of treaty obligations respectful of territorial integrity, the definition of aggression and eventually the implementation of the Economic and Social Council will prove worthy of our friendly consideration.

The Dumbarton Oaks draft is a vast improvement upon the past. We have been invited to San Francisco by the four powers in whose keeping the responsibility for future peace is concentrated.

I put the cause of Czechoslovakia and the promise of her full cooperation into their hands. Flanked as they are by the unanimous will for peace of all the United Nations who have the privilege of sharing this responsibility in a major or minor way, they can and must lead us toward a better tomorrow after an unspeakable, frightful yesterday. I pray, I trust, I know, we shall succeed. We must succeed. Mr. SOONG: I shall now recognize His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the Delegation of Egypt.

BADAWI Pasha: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, on behalf of the Egyptian Delegation, may I on this memorable occasion pay a deep-felt tribute to the memory of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the great leader, who after having brought the world to the threshold of a new era of peace and world security, paved the way for this Conference. His disappearance from the international scene is most certainly a great loss, and our highest homage to his memory will be to make this Conference a success, to build a foundation for lasting world peace. This success can only be brought about by mutual confidence, tolerance, and negotiation.

Egypt is proud of the valuable contribution it has been able to give to the victory of the United Nations in the highly strategic Mediterranean area. In addition to the protection of the Suez Canal and other parts of the country so vital to the movement of Allied troops and supplies, she has given continuously since the outbreak of the present conflict her full support by all means within her power, all of which has been widely commended by the Allied High Command both on land and sea.

Egypt comes here with a background of law-abiding, democratic traditions, intent on cooperation to the fullest degree and hopeful that through the framework of the Charter to be set up may be brought together all the discordant interests and divergent tendencies of all nations, so that through lawful means and orderly procedure will come ultimate relief from the devastating scourge of war.

None of us surely needs to be reminded that after the pains and sufferings of the last war great hopes were raised and high promises freely dispensed to the people of a bleeding world. Lofty phrases promised a new order and a better humanity but soon the hardships and sufferings were forgotten. Forgotten also were the promises, and shattered were the hopes. This time we owe it to our men, to our women, to our children, following that drastic lesson in which none was spared the horror and the atrocity of war, that what we build here and now