wisely selected, a larger number of vessels would probably be available now.

To a certain extent delay was also caused by the fact that Congress required six months to complete a programme of legislation. Necessary war powers were conferred upon the Executive one at a time. The Food and Fuel Control Act was not passed until Aug. 10, long after the need for it had become urgent. Members of Congress have criticised most bitterly the failure to make satisfactory progress with the production of aircraft; but the Act providing the appropriation for that purpose was not passed until three and a half months after the declaration of war. Control over exports was not given the President till June 15, and control over imports not till Oct. 6.

The American form of government is not conducive to effective cooperation between the Executive and the Legislature. Under a parliamentary system, the Executive is in reality a committee of the Legislature; and, as such, it is able to prepare and push a comprehensive programme of legislation. Under the American system, the Executive is not responsible to the Legislature but only to the people. The members of the President's Cabinet are responsible only to the President; they may advise Congress, on behalf of the President, respecting needful legislation, but they cannot introduce proposed laws or support them, except in private conversation or when called upon by a committee of Congress for an expression of opinion. The only pressure that the Executive can bring to bear upon Congress in favour of any programme is that of public opinion, which operates slowly and not always with clear intent. When the British Parliament, immediately after the opening of the war, passed the Defence of the Realm Act, it conferred upon the Government, at a single stroke, more powers than have yet been granted to the American Executive, though Congress has been in almost continuous session for a year.

Out of the apparent confusion of the summer and early fall of 1917, out of the experiences of the effort to formulate and execute a programme simultaneously, there has been evolved what may be described as a functional reorganisation of the Government.

The

General Staff has been reorganised, and its relation to the bureaus of the War Department has been more clearly defined, The two great supply divisions of the War Department, the Quartermaster's Department and the Ordnance Department, have been reorganised along the lines of a modern industrial establishment, and their activities have at length been properly coordinated. The War Industries Board, which developed out of certain sub-committees of the Council of National Defence, and is not attached to any executive department, is the agency by which the requirements of all the war branches are coordinated and their provision assured. Its function is to enable American industry to meet war demands, and to present these demands in such a way that they may be satisfied most effectively and economically, with due regard to their relative importance. The War Trade Board is in control of exports and imports. The Railway Administration, under a DirectorGeneral of Railroads, controls the operation of all the railroads of the country. The Shipping Board constructs vessels, through the Emergency Fleet Corporation, and directs the operation of the merchant marine. The War Labour Board is charged with the settlement of labour disputes, with the survey of the supply of labour, and with its training, distribution, and housing. The Food Administration encourages the production of food and economy in its use, and controls its distribution. It is especially charged with procuring food products to meet the requirements of the Allies. The Fuel Administration controls the production and distribution of fuel. Other boards or officers, such as the Aircraft Board, the Alien Property Custodian, and the Bureau of War Risk Insurance, have more specialised functions. It is generally believed in Washington that a relatively permanent war organisation has at last been effected; that it will enable the country to devote a constantly increasing proportion of its resources and energies to the prosecution of the war; and that there will now be a marked acceleration of all war activities.

A governing principle of the Administration in its efforts to place the United States on a war basis has been the use of persuasion rather than of compulsion. The resort to conscription in raising an army was

not a contravention of this principle, because Americans in general were amply persuaded that conscription was the better of the two possible methods. The Administration, and most thoughtful Americans as well, have realised that the United States, like Europe, is passing through a social and economic revolution. The support of Labour, which has on the whole been gained, is due to the fact that Labour has been consulted equally with all other interests in the preparation of war measures. The problem of securing its support has been the more difficult in the United States because much of it is unskilled, because of its heterogeneous character, and because rather less than fifteen per cent. of it is organised.

The recent German offensive has forced Americans to realise the need for greater and more effective effort on their part. They begin to see that the country cannot carry on the war and at the same time continue the usual activities of normal times. They are becoming convinced, not only that it will be necessary to raise a much larger army than was at first contemplated, but that eventually a large part of the population will have to be enlisted in effective forms of war service. They have lost their belief that American genius could perform a series of miracles that would end the war cheaply and quickly. They no longer expect to exterminate the submarine in a month or two, or to cloud the skies of Germany with ten thousand, nay, a hundred thousand aeroplanes dropping death and destruction. They are not looking for a German revolution, and they know now that German soldiers will fight until they are killed. In short, they realise at last that, in this conflict of peoples, war consists mainly of two things-fighting and working-and that every one must do one or the other.

WALDO G. LELAND.

CORRIGENDA.

P. 98, line 10 from foot, for 'aud' read ‘and.'

·

crop of 1915,' read as follows: Owing to the severity of the winter, however, the wheat crop, while larger than that of 1916, was a distinct disappointment and fell far short of the record crop of 1915.'

P. 104, lines 13-15, for the sentence Owing to

Art. 7.-THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM: 1099-1291. 1. Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Seventeen vols. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1841-1906.

2. Les Colonies franques de Syrie aux XIIe et XIIIme Siècles. Par E. Rey. Paris: Picard, 1883.

3. Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge. Von H. Prutz. Berlin: Siegfried, 1883.

4. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, 1097-1291, and AdditaVon R. Röhricht.

mentum.

Wagneriana, 1893-1904.

Oeniponti: Lib. Acad.

5. Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem: 1100-1291. Von R. Röhricht. Innsbruck: Wagner, 1898.

6. Renaud de Châtillon, prince d'Antioche. Par G. Schlumberger. Paris: Plon, 1898.

7. Revue de l'Orient Latin. Eleven vols. Paris: Leroux, 1893-1908.

And other works.

No event of the war has been so dramatic, or has made such a powerful appeal to the imagination, as the liberation of Jerusalem on December 9, 1917, after a Moslem occupation of 673 years. While the name of Athens is full of meaning for the cultured alone, and many excellent citizens are not quite sure whether the Greeks or the Romans came first,' that of Jerusalem is known in every peasant's cottage of Christendom and represents the aspirations of an ancient race scattered all over the globe. But to us Anglo-Saxons the redemption of the Holy City has special significance, because a British general at the head of a force gathered from every part of the British Empire, and aided by our French and Italian allies, has repeated the achievement of Godfrey of Bouillon and the Crusaders, among them a brother of the King of England, and Edgar Atheling, the descendant of our Saxon line, in 1099, and has accomplished what even our lion-hearted monarch failed to do in 1192, and our soldierly Prince Edward in 1271. Thus the aspiration of the poet of Gerusalemme Liberata,'

"Sottrare i Cristiani al giogo indegno...

Fondando in Palestina un novo regno" (1. 23),

has been realised by Britons from lands whose very existence was unknown at the time of the Crusades.

The present article is not intended to be a drum-andtrumpet history of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem and its almost constant wars, but an account of the organisation and social life of the Crusading kingdom. First, as to its extent. The kingdom of Jerusalem attained its zenith at the end of the reign of Baldwin II in 1131, when it stretched from the Egyptian frontier at El-Arish, 'the river of Egypt' of the Book of Numbers, on the southwest, and from Aila, the modern 'Akaba (on the gulf of the same name), the Eloth of the First Book of Kings, and the site of Solomon's Red Sea naval station, on the south-east, to the stream now called Nahr Ibrahîm, which flows into the sea between Beirût and Giblet, the modern Jebeil-about 300 miles as the crow flies. To the east the kingdom rarely overstepped the Jordan except at the triangle of Banias, the ancient Cæsarea Philippi; indeed, in the north it was only 13 miles broad, but in the Dead Sea region it attained a breadth of 100 miles. This did not, however, comprise the whole of the Latin territory. To the north of the above-mentioned stream stretched the County of Tripolis, the foundations of which were laid by Count Raymond of Toulouse in 1102, to the rivulet, now called Wâdi-Mehika, between Maraclée and Valénia (the modern Bâniyâs), which flowed at the foot of the castle of Margat-a further distance of about 100 miles. From that rivulet began the Principality of Antioch, whose first Prince was, in 1098, Bohemond of Taranto, and which at one time extended almost to Aleppo in the east and embraced a large slice of the kingdom of Armenia almost as far west as Tarsus, but latterly extended no farther north than a little beyond Alexandretta. On the north-east it was bounded until 1144 by the County of Edessa, the modern Urfa, founded by Baldwin I in 1098, which began at the forest of Marris and extended eastward beyond the Euphrates; but, owing to the permanent state of war, in which the forty-six years of its existence were passed, it never had any fixed boundaries. Thus, a Syrian writer could truly say that, in 1129, 'everything was subject to the Franks, from Mardîn and Schabachtana to El 'Arîsh,' far more than the 'Dan to Beersheba' of the Israelites.*

*William of Tyre, Bk xvi, 29; Jacques de Vitry (ed. Bongars), 1068-9; Röhricht, 'Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem,' 191.