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were, no doubt, ripe for reprisals after Sir Henry Wilson's assassination, in accordance with their intolerant tradition; but that the Northern Government had any sympathy with such things was a baseless fabrication, not at all to the credit of Dail Eireann. The plain fact is that the Northern Government is governing its people, and that, so far, the Southern Government has failed in the same task.

To be just, we must bear in mind the greater diffi culties which the Southern Ministers have to overcome. And these difficulties were increased, it need hardly be said, by the death of Arthur Griffith on Aug. 12, and the shooting of Michael Collins on Aug. 22, the two most prominent supporters of the Free State party being thus removed within ten days. Mr Collins was killed in an ambush in Co. Cork, when he was visiting the theatre of military operations, in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the National Forces. He was a brave man, and he does not seem to have taken sufficient precautions in his tours of inspection. His funeral in Dublin was impressive, because of the great concourse of people who attended it-not only officials who naturally were present to pay respect to the Head of the King's Government in Ireland, but many simple citizens who felt that a national hero had passed away. Michael Collins captivated the national imagination during the terrible months when he was engaged in murderous attacks on British officers and men. He was always on the run,' and, despite the price that was put on his head by the British Government, he always eluded capture. Quick, resourceful, hardworking, courageous, he became a figure round whom legends gathered. Not until the British Cabinet entered into negotiations, in July 1921, with the Sinn Fein leaders did Collins come into public view. It was inevitable that he should be given high place in the new Irish Government, for was it not due mainly to him-so the Irish people argued that the British army was defeated, and England frightened into granting liberty to Ireland? His successor as head of the Irish troops, Richard Mulcahy (who, as Chief of Staff, had in fact more to do with the organisation of the ambushes laid for British soldiers than Collins had) spoke far more truly about

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his dead Chief in his funeral oration than did most of our British newspapers. For the truth was that Collins never showed that he had any special capacity as a statesman. He was an uncultivated man; hasty and rough in speech; not scrupulous (as his career shows) in the methods which he adopted in the pursuit of his ends; willing to accept the Constitution of the Irish Free State if he could not get a Republic; quick and shrewd in his appreciation of the limits beyond which British statesmanship would not go in concessions to Ireland, but fatally mistaken in his judgment as to the way in which de Valera and his fanatics should be treated. Had Collins had the insight and the strength of will which would have prompted him to deal as swiftly and sternly with the rebels who defied his authority, as he would have dealt with British troops opposed to him, he would probably be alive to-day. It is, however, an ungrateful task to criticise a brave man, who has been killed in the discharge of his duty, and the qualities which make a commander the idol of his troops are qualities that deserve a tribute of respect.


Griffith was a man of very different calibre. legend is likely to gather round his memory. He was a dour, silent, hard-thinking person, whose word was to be trusted, and who counted the cost before he spoke. Some said of him that he was 'the only man in Ireland who really desired the establishment of the Free State.' It was not wanted by the Loyalists, nor was it wanted by the Sinn Feiners who would have preferred a Republic, but Griffith always knew that the latter was impracticable of attainment, and being no fanatical idealist but a competent man of affairs he accepted the Constitution of the Free State in all sincerity. He had a stronger will than Collins (although he was not a very courageous person), and his intellectual powers were superior to those of any other of the Sinn Fein leaders. Perhaps it was for these reasons that Irish loyalists looked to him, rather than to Collins, to protect their interests under the new régime, and they may have been right in this confidence. There can

be no doubt that from every point of view his death was a national misfortune. It came at a moment when men of foresight were needed, and when the

Republican forces were still pursuing actively their policy of rendering the task of the Provisional Government an impossible one.

A curious illustration of the incapacity for understanding Irish psychology, that is so often exhibited by our politicians, was provided by an article in the ‘Daily Mail' after Collins' death, calling attention to the difficulties of Ireland and inviting Irishmen of experience in administration throughout the Empire to offer their services, temporarily, to the Provisional Government. Lord MacDonnell fell into the trap, and published his willingness to help in any way possible. No notice, of course, was taken of his offer. The Irish Government, even if they desired to do so, dare not associate themselves with politicians who are not Sinn Feiners, whether they be Unionists or Nationalists, for such action would be at once attacked by the Republican party as proof of that Anglicisation of ministerial policy which is supposed to be a national danger. Nor, in truth, are the Government in Ireland conscious of any incapacity for exercising their important powers. Most of them have so little experience in handling public business that they do not appreciate the difficulties which lie in their path; and with the best intentions they have not, as yet, exhibited that sense of perspective and proportion which is essential for a statesman. Mr Cosgrave, who has succeeded to the Presidency of the Executive Council, has, indeed, shown, as a member of the Dublin Corporation, that he understands civic finance; and his statement of policy, when the Irish Parliament met, on September 9, was clear and sound, but it has always to be remembered that he owes his position in the Government rather to the fact that he was sentenced to death for his part in the Rising of 1916, than to his talent for administration. It has yet to be seen whether he will be able to subdue the Republican mutineers, who are still powerful in many rural districts, and whose threats of vengeance upon those who thwart their purpose have a considerable influence. Every member of the Southern Parliament, for example, has been informed by letter that if he acquiesces in any 'aggressive' movement planned by Mr Cosgrave he will, personally, be held responsible. That is not a threat which can lightly be

disregarded. The undisciplined youths—some of them not more than sixteen years of age-who follow de Valera and Childers, do not understand any method of persuasion other than that supplied by a revolver; but this they are quite ready to use at a moment's notice. It requires some courage on the part of a member of the Dail to say what he thinks, if he is not in sympathy with republican dreams.

Here, then, is the situation. No rents are being paid anywhere in Ireland, nor can defaulters be served with writs. No attempt is being made by the Irish Government to further a Land Purchase Bill, although the British Government are pledged to assist it. There is no security for property; houses are being burnt and looted with complete impunity, for up to a month ago there were no rural police. The splendid Irish Constabulary have been disbanded. It is impossible to get juries to convict, for jurors are afraid of assassination. The murderers of Mr Max Green were caught redhanded; but witnesses are unwilling to give evidence, and one jury, at least, has failed to agree on a verdict. All kinds of petty outrages happen daily; but no one is punished, whether in city or country. Some thousands of loyalists have sadly left their homes, in fear of life or in despair as to their property. They got fair words from the Provisional Government during the last year; but they got neither protection nor redress. The censorship of the Press conceals the true facts from the public. How far it goes may be gathered from the fact that lately the 'Spectator' and the 'Morning Post' have been excluded from Dublin and cannot be bought! A Government is not very stable which fears the report of unpleasant facts, or the criticisms-however unsympathetic and misleading-of an opponent.

In these unhappy circumstances, the Irish Parliament met in Dublin on Sept. 9, the Republican deputies being absent, with the exception of the egregious Mr Laurence Ginnell, who had to be removed by force, because (as he used to do at Westminster) he made a disturbance. Parliament was faced at once with the problem caused by a strike of the postal officials; and the Government very sensibly pressed and carried the point that 'picketing' on the part of Civil servants on strike could not be Vol. 238.-No. 473.

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allowed.* It was also arranged, without trouble, that the absurd dual system of legislation by the old Dail Eireann and also by the constitutionally elected Parliament must cease. Ministers are now responsible to the Parliament in being, and to no other body. In like manner, the Republican courts are no longer allowed to administer the law, which relieves the Judges of the High Court from intolerable perplexities. This is, so far, satisfactory; but the main business of this temporary Parliament or Constituent Assembly'-the members of which, be it remembered, have taken no oath of allegiance to the King, or to the Free State, or to any one else is to discuss, and approve (if they will) the Constitution published last June. By the terms agreed on, the Constituent Assembly must decide as to the Constitution before Dec. 6, after which it is to go before the British Houses of Parliament for their consideration. Great Britain has approved the Treaty' of December 1921, but it has not yet approved the 'Constitution' founded upon the Treaty, and a careful examination of its terms will be essential.

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As the Constitution is now drafted, it recognises the King as the person in whom is vested the executive authority of the State (§ 50), and this is legally consistent with § 2, according to which all powers of government and all executive authority are declared to be derived from the people. It is most important that § 50 should be strictly guarded, for the desire of the Irish democracy will be to remove from public life all recognition of the King. 'In the King's name' is the formula for legal action in Canada, and it will be necessary to ensure its retention in Ireland, by laying emphasis on the phraseology of § 50 as an essential Article of the Constitution. An even more important matter was brought to public notice by Mr Jellett, M.P., in a letter to the 'Morning Post' of July 29. It is not clear from the Constitution whether or no a citizen of the Free State remains a British subject. We are inclined to think that Mr Jellett is wrong in his contention that 'all loyal British subjects now domiciled in Ireland will ipso facto forfeit their status as such,' but about such a matter there should

* It may be noted that they did not prevent picketing, nevertheless.

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