These primary schools send pupils to the two preparatory schools of Abouzabel and Alexandria, where they learn the Turkish language, mathematics, geography, and history.

The special schools are intended for the engineers, artillery, cavalry, infantry, medicine, agriculture, foreign languages, music, and the arts. There are altogether in Egypt nine thousand pupils, who are lodged, clothed, and fed, at the Pasha's expense.

Once entered as a pupil in any of these schools, the Egyptian becomes the property of the Pasha, and may be sent into the fleets, the army, or the manufactories, at his will. Education, under these circumstances, is considered by the natives as only one degree less to be dreaded than conscription.

Egypt is the easiest country in the world to conquer; she is so used to it! In fact, it is her ruler or rulers, for the time being, that offer the sole resistance she has ever made. All over the East, and here especially, power can be established by blood alone since the days of Cleopatra, Egypt has never had a sovereign of Egyptian birth, nor have her people ever had a national cause; their lives are passed in one long effort to avoid taxation, which deprives them of every comfort; and conscrip tion, which renders its victims hopeless: once ranged under the Crescent banner, there is no hope of freedom but from infirmity or death. Brilliant as have been Mehemet Ali's successes, fer.tile as is the country he rules over, and peaceful as it appears to the grateful traveller, there is perhaps no more miserable nation under heaven.

The Egyptians have no motive to action; success in life is with them impossible; and their voluptuous climate contributes to the enervation of all moral and physical energies. As their climate predisposes them to indolence and sensuality; their government to servility, meanness, and dissimulation; their religion to intolerance, pharisaic observances, and falsehood; it may be easily imagined that there is little in their education to counteract the tendencies which are inevitable from such infiu. ences. They have no country to lose, no independence to for feit, no patriotic feelings to be wounded; their national condition has fearfully fulfilled the prophetic doom, that they should be

trodden under foot and abased; a nation that should ever be under the rule of foreigners." The Viceroy has exhausted the last vital energies of the country; and no government can retain influence in Egypt after his decease, that is not possessed of wealth enough to restore some shadow of prosperity, and principle enough to restore some shadow of independence to this degraded and unhappy land.

Meanwhile, Cairo is now the crowded thoroughfare of England and India: the Union Jack is become as familiar to the Arabs of the Red Sea as to the people of Alexandria. Egypt is rapidly becoming influenced, not by the nation that gives officers to her armies, but by that which gives merchants to her countinghouses, and capital to her exhausted resources. She is becoming gradually and unconsciously subsidised by the wealth that England lavishes, and hourly more entangled in those golden chains from which no nation ever strove to loose itself.

With what temper Mehemet Ali regards this state of things it would be vain to inquire. At the age of seventy-five, a man is more likely to repose with complacency on what he has already accomplished, than to enter upon a new course of difficult, if not hopeless undertakings. He had energy and moral courage enough to encounter the vicegerent of the Prophet in the field, and to vindicate the independence-not of his country, but of his command. Like Henry VIII., he converted the fat revenues of peaceful drones into the tough sinews of ambitious war; like Peter the Great, he made an army of steady soldiers out of slavish serfs, and a commanding navy out of a nest of pirates like Sultan Mahmoud, he annihilated the Mamelukes, whose existence was more incompatible with his authority than was that of the Janissaries with the power of the Porte.

Mehemet Ali has done all this, and thereby placed himself in the front rank of History.

But there is a more difficult task than that of mustering forces in the field, or appropriating the property of the defenceless, or making massacre of imprisoned victims. To invest a nation with nationality-to give to popular impulse the character of public opinion, was beyond his power, or never suggested itself to his ambition. What loyalty can exist towards a Pasha?

what patriotism in a Pashalic? The down-trodden and degraded Egyptian not only has never known another state of rule, but he has never felt the want of it; and herein is at once an element of strength and weakness in Mehemet Ali's position. The yielding soil afforded no resistance to the planting of his power, but at the same time it wanted all tenacity to retain, or enable it to take root. And now the Pasha's days must needs be drawing to a close; his son Ibrahim is yet older, owing to his sensuality and intemperance; Seyd Pasha, though kindly disposed, is devoid of intellect. The character of Abbas Pasha, the only other of his family arrived at man's estate, exhibits a union of ferocity and vice, for which we can only find a parallel among the Roman Emperors. And what is to become of Egypt? Is the Porte once more to extend its baleful authority over this unhappy country, with all the withering influence which it never ceases to exercise? Shall we replace the ignorant and fanatical followers of the Crescent in the province which became a kingdom through their imbecility; and allow them to interrupt our commerce here, as they have been permitted to arrest the building of our church at Jerusalem?

Heaven forbid! When the old man who has bravely won this fertile province ceases to exist, let his selfish power perish with him. Let England not prostitute her influence to restore emancipated Egypt to the imbecile tyranny of the Porte, but endeavor to infuse into the country of her adoption the principles, together with the privileges of freedom. Let her laying aside all morbid delicacy and political sentimentalism-boldly assert her "right of way" through Egypt to India, while she leaves unquestioned that of France through Algiers to Timbuctoo.

English capital and industry would make Egypt a garden; English rule would make the fellah a free man; English principles would teach him honesty and truth; and, as to the comparative advantages of Turkish or English politics to the people they are to influence, let the world be the judge-between Asia Minor and North America, between the influences of the Cres. cent and the Cross.

END OF PART I.

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