actions, Prince Henry continued at Nimes; his army occupying t the posts we have already ftated, and enjoying the most profound tranquillity; being likewise free from those incommodities which had distressed the King's forces, in a miferable country, rendered ftill more wretched by the badness of the weather. When it became at length apparent, that the caution and fituation of the enemy must unavoidably fruftrate all the views of the campaign; that the taking up of winter quarters in Bohemia was from the fame caufes rendered utterly impracticable; and that the approaching feafon would render the evacuation of that country without lofs, every day more difficult; the Prince made feveral motions preparatory to that event, but immediately tending to divert the attention of the enemy from his real defign, and with a hope of leading him to fome change of pofition, which might either on his own fide, or on that of the King, afford an opportunity for opening a more favourable scene of action. The Prince accordingly quitting Nimes, Sept. 10. and turning to the right, advanced towards the Elbe by the way of Neufchlofs, Pleiswedel, and Aufche; and paffing that river at Leutmeritz, encamped not far from thence at Tschischkowitz, on the great road to Prague. At the fame time a part of the left wing, under the Prince of Bernberg, fell back towards the Upper Lufatia, until it had occupied the strong grounds on the fide of Gabel and Zittau. This movement on the fide of the Prince, obliged Marshal Laudohn to quit the Ifer, and, paffing the Elbe and the Muldau, to encamp at Martinowes, near Budin, to prevent his advancing towards Prague. After a number of skirmishes had taken place, and that the armies had for fome days kept these positions; the Prince quitted his camp at Tschifchkowitz, and returning without loss to the confines of Saxony, had entirely evacuated Bohemia by the end of the month. Nor was the war on the fide of the Auftrian Silefia productive of any action of confequence; for the Pruffian general's being much fuperior in force to the Marquis de Botta, he was not able to undertake any thing confiderable to wards the defence of that country. Thus they over-run the duchies of Troppaw and lagerndorf without much difficulty, and took such measures with the inhabitants, as strongly indicated a design of annexing them to the King's dominion, and thereby entirely rounding his poffeffion of Silefia. Accidents occafioned by the rays of the fun collected into a focus. [41.640.] I Saw a linen rag set on fire by a small decanter of water, both which fome ladies were ufing who were painting; and as it is not uncommon to fet a decanter of water and a towel in a bedchamberwindow, or to have linen curtains hanging down, it is by no means unnatural to think, that at fome hour of the day, and fome day of the year, this apparatus may form a focus of fun-beams proper to do mischief, and confequently should be guarded againft.-Indeed, it is not improbable, that fires often happen from still less suspected causes; as I remember M. du Hamel mentions, in the Academie des Sciences, a fire beginning to break out in one of the royal dock-yards, and which being quickly extinguished, they found, that a large pile of failcloth had a hole burnt through its centre, from top to bottom. It was supposed to have been put up too wet, and to have heated, and fired, just as a haycock doth, both being equally a pile of vegetables. Probably, had the deftruction been complete, this would have been the laft caufe thought on. Nay, even innocent people might have fuffered for it, when, perhaps, the fole cause might be, the unphilosophical workmen not leaving off to unload and carry into the storehouse the canvas during a hafty shower of rain. Yours, &c. A. B. C. Gent. Mag. A PHYSICAL HINT. A Disorder in the ftomach and bowels, similar to that which prevailed laft spring, now begins to make its appearance. As an immediate relief, a tablespoonful of spirituous tincture of rhubarb, in half a gill of peppermint water: next morning a fcruple of powder of rhubarb; after which a table-spoonful of the tincture once or twice a day, to strengthen the paffages, removes the complaint. London, March 30. 1780. f PARLIAMENT. [77.] On the 6th of March the Earl of Shel. barne made a motion to the following purport. "Whereas the Rt Hon. the Marquis of Caermarthen was dismissed from his office of Lord Lieutenant of the Eaft Riding of Yorkshire on the morning of the 8th of February, when his opinion was known concerning a question that was to be agitated in this House on the evening of that day [72.]; and whereas the Rt Hon. the Earl of Pembroke was likewife dismissed from the office of Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire, a few days after he had given his vote upon the fame question; therefore this House have reafon to suspect that they were dismissed in consequence of the said votes: it is refolved, therefore, that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, be feeching him to be graciously pleased to inform the House, whether he was advised, and by whom, to dismiss the faid two Noble Lords for their conduct in parliament." Lord Shelburne introduced his motion by a long speech. The fact, he said, was notorious, that the Marquis of Caermarthen, knowing the question which his Lordship intended to bring on in the House on the 8th of February, had declared his intentions to vote for it, and that on the morning of that day he was dismissed from his office of Lord Lieutenant. He observed, that he had taken all poffible means to inquire if any other cause of displeasure could have arisen; but being well afsured, that both the Noble Lords stood diftinguished for their loyalty and attachment to their Sovereign, and for their zeal and activity in the fervice of their country, it was impoffible to afcribe their fudden dismission to any other circumftance but their having fup. ported his motion on the 8th of February, for a committee of both Houses of Parliament to inquire into the expendi ture of the public money. But though he fuppofed this to be the cafe, yet the natter might be cut very short, and the House be prevented the trouble of debate, if any one of the Lords in admini stration would declare, upon his honour, that this was not the cause of their difmiffion. If, however, a profound filence should be observed, or no fatisfactory anfwer be given, he thought it would then appear in a very alarming light, and shew, that no member of parliament enjoying VOL. XLII. any office under the crown, would be permitted to vote in parliament according to the dictates of his confcience; he must have no opinion of his own; and if ministerial vengeance extended fo far, and ministerial influence was fo powerful, he left the House to judge of the miferable state of parliament. His Lordship called upon the House to rescue their body from such a flavish dependence on a minifter. His Lordship then entered into a general history of the militia from the reign of Edward III. to the present time, and declared his opinion, that the modern regulations by late acts of parliament have new-modelled it, so that this natural defence of our country no longer subfifts on the ancient principles of a militia. After demonftrating, that it was one of the fatal errors of Charles I. to wrest the militia out of the hands of the people, and put over it officers of his own appointment, instead of gentlemen of the respective counties to which they belong.. he shewed the importance of having proper persons for Lord Lieutenants at this time; he therefore thought the difmiffion of the Noble Lords from such posts highly detrimental to the ftate, at a period when the defence of the nation must be principally intrusted to the militia, who would never serve with such alacrity under Arangers for their fuperior officers, as when they are commanded by noblemen and gentlemen of their refpective counties. His Lordship extended his observations to a great variety of matter, not strictly applicable to the motion. He complained of a new term and a new mode of promotion in the army, which he said was called occafional rank: by which was to be understood, that men who have fearce seen any fervice are raifed to rank over the heads of, and to command, fenior officers. He mentioned some instances of this in a regiment sent to the West Indies, and in two or three regi. ments that are to be raised for fome se-cret expedition. He hinted at their being employed to buccaneer the coafts of America, and if the defigns of the minifters were known, perhaps they might appear to be to buccaneer London. He called upon the Noble Lord at the head of the army to give fome account of the strange promotions in the army, which are calculated to alienate the affections 1 fections of the veteran unpromoted offi cers. In fine, he thought he could not do his duty better, than by engaging the attention of the House to these points for the good of the nation. The Marquis of Caermarthen declared upon his honour, he knew of no other cause of his difmiffion; for he had done his duty in every shape, and he should not have come to the House, if he had not expected to hear from the Noble Lords in administration what were the motives for removing him. The Earl of Pembroke expressed his being unwilling to trouble the House with his fentiments, but he was unconfcious of having given any offence whatever; on the contrary, he had frequently met with his Majesty's approbation of his conduct in training his regiment. He, therefore, confefsed his apprehenfions that it was a piece of minifterial resentment, the office having been held by his family as long as there are any records of the office itself. Both the Noble Lords declared they would not vote, and that they only came there to be responsible for their conduct, and to endeavour to know the true cause of their fudden dif. miffion. The Earl of Abingdon seconded the motion. The Earl of Effingham faid a few words on the fame fide of the que stion. Lord Stormont, in reply, declared his astonishment at the motion; because the law of the land has vested in the crown the right of appointing all the executive officers of government, and of exercising that right with difcretion; and if the King had not a right to dismiss a fervant without being fubject to the controul of parliament, he would never be at liberty to exercise his own opinion. He admit ted, that abuses might arife in the exercife of this power; but till it was proved that the abuse was highly detrimental to the state, the House would not address his Majesty for reasons why he dismissed his servants. No man he believed would fay, that the public fuffered any injury by the removal of the two Noble Lords, and appointing others of equal quality. With refpect to the other extraneous matter in Lord Shelburne's fpeech, he thought it so foreign to the business of the day, that he would not enter into it. The Marquis of Rockingham, the Dukes of Grafton, Richmond, and Dewonthire, and the Lords Camden and Craven, spoke in fupport of the motion; and the Lords Denbigh, Hillfborough, Chancellor, and Bathurst, against it. Lord Denbigh faid, that the Lords could not have been dismissed on account of their vote in parliament; because many other Lords had voted againft the measures of government, and yet remained still in the offices of Lord Lieutenants. Lord Bathurst declared he would on all occafions support the constitution, and the best support he could give it was his disapprobation of the petitions and affociations, calculated to undermine it. Lord Craven replied, that the Noble Lord promoted an affociation for raifing a regiment in Gloucestershire for the fervice of the crown; and that, if one affociation was illegal, so were they all. The question being put, the numbers were, Contents 31, Proxies 8, in all 39; Not-contents 66, Proxies 26, in all 92. So early in the session as the 15th of December, the day that the Earl of Shelburne made a motion in the House of Lords concerning the public expenditure [70.], Mr Burke gave notice in the House of Commons, that after the Chriftmas holidays he meant to make a propofal for economy, and for lessening the influence of the crown. The design was highly approved of by Meff. Gilbert, Dempster, and Fox, and Col. Barré. On the 28th of January Mr Burke gave further notice, that he meant to move his propofitions for public economy, for lessening and checking the influence of the crown, for restoring the freedom of parliament, and for strengthening the hands of government, on the inth of February. Accordingly on Friday, Feb. 11. he stated his plan. He was not unaware (he said) of the difficulties that attended his fituation: his plan, if adopted, might take from a bosom-friend his chief fupport; his own future profpects in life might be blafted; and he was fure that he must make himself many enemies. But at his time of life, when he began to flope his down-hill course, he was not to be terrified from pursuing a plan that had for its basis the public good. Oe. conomy he pronounced to be the means, not only to restore us to our former ftate of fplendour, but also to that state of independence on the crown, without which it was impoffible for us to be free. Our fituation, ituation, he admitted, was not indeed registered in the parliament of Paris as bad as it was last year; but it ought the 29th of last month. By the reduc to be remembered, that we were now only in the middle of a most dangerous and expenfive war. We had a moft formidable confederacy to contend with; and, great as our refources were, we should not perhaps find more than we really ftand in need of. A plan of economy, in the first instance, afforded the most happy presage of future fucceffes; but to be effectual, it must be systematic. Such a plan he flattered himself he had, after infinite pains, digested, and ren. dered perfectly practicable. It would effect a saving to the nation of near 300,000 1. a-year, without taking from the splendour of the crown, without reducing his Majesty to the smallest inconvenience, and would for ever free minifters from the difagreeable neceffity of applying to parliament for payment of the King's debts. can. As he knew, that in all our operations, as well civil as military, we must be guided by those of the enemy, he had turned his eyes to the continent; and there be found our enemies making fuch arrangements in their finances as enabled them to prosecute the war with infinitely more probability of fuccess than we We had already exhaufted ourfelves by an extravagant expenditure of money; our fubjects had already fubmitted to enormous taxes; and yet it had been confeffed by the friends of go vernment, that after all our efforts, if we were now to make a peace, it must be upon inglorious terms. How much worse muft our situation be in two years more, when, while we are prodigal of our treasure, our enemies are most religioufly economical of theirs! Their extraordinaries fince the beginning of the war, never exceeded eight millions Sterling in one year: they had lately bor. rowed about 2,500,0001. and yet they had not funded a shilling: they had not as yet imposed a fingle tax additional to thofe of their peace-establishment; they had not established any burthensome fund for the payment of these extraordi naries. The interest was paid with those fums which were faved to the state by ce conomy. A general reform had taken place through France; in the King's household, nay, in the Queen's bedchamber, and in the menus plaisirs of the royal family. This he proved from an arret of the French published in Paris the ist instant; and which had been tion of expences, the French financier had faved an income equal to the payment of interest for the loan, and for the whole of the extraordinaries; the savings amounted to no less a sum than 950,0001. a-year. All this had been effected in a manner in which the smallest trace of arbitrary power was not to be found. The value of the coin had not been raised; its fubstance had not been reduced; the capital of the national debt had not suffered the least loss of its value; and the leaft delay had not appeared in the payment of the interest of that debt. On the contrary, all was conducted in a manner that gave a firm foundation to public credit; and ren. dered the minister who planned, and the fovereign who had adopted the plans, for ever dear to the people; whose property was not invaded, tho' the greatest efforts were made to raise funds for carrying on the war. The King of France, like a good father of his people, had thought it his duty, rather to retrench in his own household than take from his people. This young prince, though an enemy, it must be confefsed, deferved the respect, the esteem, the admiration of Europe. What a gloomy prospect for us! An able minifter and a patriotic king directed the affairs of our enemies, while ours were managed, by a patriot king indeed, but by a much less able financier. * To • Extracts from the edits here alluded to. "Louis, &c. Being wholly occupied in establishing order and economy in the expences of our household, in as great a degree as confifts with the dignity of our crown, we have confidered, that it will be conducive to this end, to re-unite to us all the offices of our private household, part of which had been alienated by the kings our predeceffors. under the titles of Casual Revenues, and had thereby become a heavy charge to the crown; as we thall therefore become alone interested in the number and value of these offices, we shall be more at liberty to abolish such as appear to be useless, to determine the emoluments, and to confult only, in these ar rangements, our general views of adminiexamine in our justice what difadvantages may enfue to our chief officers, and those of the Queen, our dearest wife and companion, from the deprivation of those cafual revenues, which add nothing in fplendor, equal to their immenfe charge. We will befides R preferve We shall referve to ourselves to To follow the example of Monf. Neckar, it would be necessary to abolish many places, which a great length of time had rendered, in the opinion of some men, both neceffary and venerable. He did not charge the present administration with the creation of them; but he would advise them not to maintain them merely because they had been anciently created. The times were now different from those in which they had been established; and a wife minifter would always conform to the circumstances of the times: he would not fay, that because in the days of the first James, of the Tudors, and Plantagenets, such and fuch places had existed, they must necessarily continue for ever; the moment a general defire of the people was expressed for their abolition, such a defire ought to be complied with. Establishing thus a reason why mini preserve to them their various privileges; and they always shall be, as they at present are, eminently distinguished by the rank and dignity of the perfons to whom they are entrusted. For these causes, &c." - [This edict is composed of three articles.] "Lours, &c. Having reflected, that without effential alterations in the direction of the expences of our household, we should hardiy be able to establish a permanent improvement in the conducting of them, we have begun by reducing the great number of coffers and treasuries to one only. We have, by our edict of this day, united all the offices of our household with the cafual revenues; and now, to render the plan we have prescribed to ourselves more complete, we have thought proper to suppress the offices of Comptroller-General of our Houschold, and of the Money-Chamber; that of the Lieutenant-Comptroller-General of the Furniture belonging to the Crown; the offices of Lieutenants and Comptrollers General of our Stables; those of Lieutenants and Comp trollers General of the Plate; the Household-Amusements, and Affairs of our Chamber; the two offices of Comptrollers-GeneTal to the Queen's Household, our dearest wife and companion: and we will, that all these offices shall be paid in ready money after their liquidation. At the fame time we have thought proper to establish a gene. ral office for the expences of our household, which shall be composed of two Magistrates taken from our Chamber of Accounts, and five Commiffioners-General which shall be thrown out by this arrangement, and who, in uniting their different knowledge, will be very capable of conducting, with spirit and uniformity, the whole expences of our fters ought not to oppose his plan, he began to open it to the House; observing, at the fame time, that he was well aware how invidious the task was which he had undertaken, how disagreeable to his own feelings, and how alien to his affections, as he was well convinced that reform, in the eyes of the world, bordered close upon unkindness. His ftandard of reformation, he said, he would erect first in the principality of Wales; then in the duchy of Lancaster; and lastly, in the duchy of Cornwall, and county-palatine of Chester. Mr Burke, shewing a very intimate knowledge of the constitutions of these four jurifdictions, very ludicroufly pointed out the reasons why the King of England had frittered down his dignity into Dukedoms and Earldoms. The principality of Wales, he said, was, in territory, equal to about a seventh part of household. This office is to be immediately employed in a full examination of every part of it, in order to produce the greatest perfpicuity, for the purpose of introducing all the improvements of every kind which the business is capable of, and shall render an exact account of their operations both to the minister of our household, and that of finances, for the better introducing in this establishment every alteration which small be found useful, and to the execution of which there yet remains every obstacle; that they may thus be immediately known and removed, and that our general administration being thus drawn into one common office, may receive all the lights necessary for accomplishing the plan we have approved. We keep our high and chief officers in the honourable situation of receiving our orders immediately from us, tranfmitting them, and watching that they are put into execution. But they being called out on our fervice in our provinces and armies, and not having time to spare in inspecting the particulars of finance and economy, which require continual affiduity and watchfulness, we imagine they will behold, without pain, this part of our administration separated from their noble offices near our perfon; and we have too much experienced their zeal and attachment, not to be convinced that they will eagerly second the general plan for the establishment of regularity in our finances, and to prove more and more to our faithful fubjects, how much it is our defire to avoid having recourse to new taxes, till we have estimated all the resources arifing from this system of order and economy. For these caufes," &c.- [This edict confists of fixteen articles.] England, |