moral to be drawn from the troubles of his boyhood and early manhood (out of which he had emerged), disorders did not cease in Scotland throughout his reign, and scarcely at any period in the history of their common language has the jealousy between the two nations found for itself such vehement expression.

James's migration into England had been followed, as might be looked for, by a large increase in the petty outbreaks and disturbances of the North. The animosity against the Scotch broke out in public and in private. Publicly the most violent language was, probably, that used in the particular English Parliament which met in April 1614, and which was dissolved chiefly because of the menaces which the King feared might be taken to extend even to himself. In that House of Commons, speeches, loading the Scotch with opprobrium, and coupling in ominously allusive phrase Scotch with Sicilian 'Vespers,' had been heard (cp. Pattison, 424, 30). In the way of private satire, Sir Anthony Welldon's 'perfect description of Scotland' cannot well ever have been surpassed as a piece of vituperation, rich as our literature is in similar specimens.

If, then, James had never surveyed the wider scene; if his mind had been quite abstracted from Europe and the other continents into which the European was making a new way; if, within his province as King, his eye had rested only on one dividing line, that narrow border which cuts Britain into two; might he not well have deemed the sole type and embodiment of the political consolidation of the island to be himself, the only pledge of the united action and combined glory of what he styled Great Britain' to lie in his own blood and his own title? The exercise of the prerogative to those who, like himself and Bacon, saw it on the ideal side, what was it but the one apparent means to found and mature an Imperial policy? Was not the pressure of a central authority permissible for organisation in the State and comprehension in the Church? How was he to escape, however, a thought of the situation of civilisation at large? Could there be a settlement of the divisions of Christendom? Such questions statesmen as yet could not bear to answer in the negative. Could sectarian fanaticism be robbed of what they, the statesmen, thought a deadly political poison and sting? Could that further evil, the growth of a reckless and mutinous military spirit, be got under restraint? Was any scheme practicable-so in its full import the enquiry would frame itself-for a European balance of power, in which the old and the new might live on together? If compromise had become impossible, terrible times were at hand. Cecil had pondered the dangerous symptoms. John of Barneveld, in a

most

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most troublesome corner of the field, had succumbed in the first local outbreak of the threatened plague. Henri Quatre and Sully had attempted to devise the remedy. A famous plan for the reconstruction of Europe, in which every important system of authority, constitution, and creed should exist in co-ordination and counterpoise, remained, long after both Henri Quatre and James I. had passed away, to task and puzzle and occupy the retirement and old age of Sully. After all, his fellows were really not less timorous, nor were they less visionary than James. Let us turn again for a few moments to his foreign policy, in the aspect it had for himself. And, first, let us notice a power toward which he stood in very curious relations --Rome. Clement VIII. was Pope when James was still young, in whom it was said that Julius II., Sixtus V., Pius V., each, in his peculiar force, had risen again,-a Pope for the world, and not only for Italy, whose policy was on a scale to be admired (there seem to us to be several points where it was directly imitated) by the Sovereign he once, notwithstanding the gulf between them, addressed. This Pope, the honest, the devout, the wise,' who would not bind himself to the faction either of Spain or of France; who followed sympathetically but impartially, and as himself arbiter of the Church Universal, the dialectical combat which had waxed fierce between the Orders of St. Ignatius and St. Dominic; this Pope, who hoped for Isaac Casaubon's adhesion and conversion, who absolved Henri Quatre; sent, as we said, word-it was before Elizabeth's death-to Scotland, that a principal place in his affections and his prayers was reserved for the son of Mary Stewart. With a tolerant Pope, James was disposed to toleration. When, shortly after his accession in England, the Puritans complained that 50,000 Englishmen had lately joined the Romish communion, James's rejoinder, with a shrug of the shoulders, was, that it was for them next, on their part, to attract an equal number of Spaniards and Italians. Clement was, however, succeeded by men of a different calibre. James's opinion, even after the Gunpowder Plot-it was his life-long opinion-continued in favour of toleration. He said, though certainly he chose a safe moment for saying it,-for it was when Paul V., whom he knew for an obstinate and immovable bigot, was Pontiff, that, if the Pope would make one step toward a reconciliation of the churches, he himself would make four. He added, that he would be prepared to recognise traditional superiority in the Roman See, though his conviction was clear, and that quite independent of political inducements, that his own reformed confession was the purest and best. After Paul

came

cesses;

came Gregory XV. and Urban VIII., both men for whom, and James, there was no common ground. Ideas of amity and accommodation gave place at Rome to the intoxication of a holy war and of triumphant and wholesale convert-making... The congregation of the Propaganda took its enormous work in hand; the Capuchin and Jesuit missions had unexampled sucSt. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier were canonised. A new vehemently Catholic literature was springing up, trained in classical schools and rich in beautiful and mystical emotion, in the native languages of Spain, France, and Italy; a renewed impulse was given to the life of male and female conventual societies; the Benedictines of St. Maur started on their scholarly labours; the courtly eloquence of the French pulpit began with Berulle.

The rooted, substantial, effective resistance, which this movement regularly encountered whenever it attempted to affect Britain, is a most, we take it to be the most, remarkable trait in the general history of the contrasts of the time in religious thought and in spiritual life. There was in England no regeneration of Catholicism. In England alone the failure of the Jesuits was not only complete but comic. There was. raised up to restore the old faith beyond the Channel no St. Francis of Sales, no St. Teresa. There was no literary reaction in Britain. In England the authorised version of the Bible appeared; in Scotland two bulky books should be mentioned, antagonistic to each other, but each inspired by the spirit of the Reformation, each building up something toward the edifice of the days to come-each animated by a vigorous individualism, the works of Spottiswood and Calderwood. And the firm nucleus of the opposition to the Roman attack, the force and learning of the defence, 'the rock in the broad ocean of controversy, lay with the divines of the Church of England and in King James's own circle. From England went the replies to Bellarmine, Baronius, or du Perron. A valuable memoir on the Church of England, as James I. understood it, and as he and his friends wished to mould it, may be extracted from that excellent biography of Isaac Casaubon, which theaccomplished Rector of Lincoln College has added to a difficult and incomplete department in the history of literature.

Casaubon had set out from Geneva; he had found himself at last at London. He had travelled through the whole field of letters, and opinions, and conduct. He began as humanist and grammarian; he soon grew into the first Grecian of his century. He was, by marriage, son of Henry Stephens (Henry II.); in. character and attainments, and by affection, he was the twin scholar,

scholar, knowing himself the less gifted, and always most humble and reverent toward his elder, the twin scholar with Joseph Scaliger. But he ended among English episcopal seats and English polemical colleges, modernising Greek fathers for the British Solomon, studying old English chronicles with an acclimatised patriotism, pamphleteer and argument-dealer in chief to the Anglican establishment. How strong and how intense an attraction must those interests have had, which caught a Casaubon into their stream!

It was after the murder of Henri Quatre that Casaubon quitted Paris, where he had resided many years, and crossed into England. The assassination of his patron-illa atra et nefasta dies—was a new spur, driving Casaubon out of the company of the ancients and his own meditations into the fight. His faith dropped into the regular formula. I think it now,' he exclaims (Pattison, p. 349), 'a part of my religion to make public profession of belief (in the Royal supremacy).' Mr. Pattison is very happy and forcible in the sentences in which he sketches the Church of England as it presented itself to this 'stranger and sojourner' in it, Isaac Casaubon. To his surprise he found a whole national Church encamped on the ground on which he had believed himself to be an isolated adventurer' (p. 303).

To the passage, we next quote, we would draw particular attention :

"The ministers of his (Casaubon's) own communion scouted antiquity. . . . Books fell in his way written on this side of the Channel in which he met with a line of argument very different. There were others besides himself who could respect the authority of the fathers, without surrendering their reason to the dicta of the Papal Church. The young Anglo-Catholic school which was then forming in England took precisely the ground which Casaubon had been led to take against Du Perron.

The change of face which English theology effected in the reign of James I. is, to our generation, one of the best known facts in the history of our Church. But it is often taken for granted that this revolution was brought about by the ascendancy of one man, whose name is often used to denominate the school, as the Laudian School of Divines. Laud was the political leader, but in this capacity only the agent of a mode of thinking, which he did not invent. AngloCatholic theology is not a system of which any individual thinker can claim the invention. It arose necessarily or by natural development, out of the controversy with the Papal advocates, as soon as that controversy was brought out of the domain of pure reason into that of learning. That this peculiar compromise, or via media, between Romanism and Calvinism developed itself in England, and nowhere else in Christendom, is owing to causes which this is not the place to

investigate.

investigate. But that it was a product not of English soil, but of theological learning wherever sufficient learning existed is evidenced by the history of Casaubon's mind, who now found himself, in 1610, an Anglican ready made, as the mere effect of reading the fathers to meet Du Perron's incessant attacks.'-Pages 299–300.

Casaubon was writing an account not only of the present but of the future when he explains to Saumaise: Haec gens nihil minus est quam barbara, amat et colit literas, praesertim autem sacras. Quod si me conjectura non fallit, totius reformationis pars integerrima est in Anglia.'

It is not necessary to send our readers further than to Mr. Pattison's pages for traces of the impression produced in those days by the English national Church on foreigners who saw her on the spot-on such men as, beside Casaubon, Sully, George Calixtus, and Grotius. They will find also, in Mr. Pattison's volume, Casaubon's very favourable estimate of the King, whose command of the religious and literary situation, whose knowledge of languages, whose reading in divinity and criticism, whose powers as a conversationalist, whose intimate acquaintance with the classics, he celebrates. Casaubon was far removed from being an indiscriminate flatterer, and he is writing to de Thou, the historian, for whom nothing but a correct report would have value, when he says of James, I find him greater than his fame; he grows upon me daily' (p. 320).

In communion with and in support of the Church of England. Casaubon made his last effort, spent the remnant that was left to him of time; from amongst the group of courtly theologians, sometimes with the King himself for collaborateur, his dying shaft was sent in against Rome. The most conspicuous Protestant writer of the day was here stating the case of the most powerful

of the only considerable-Protestant Sovereign' (p. 438). That case was on behalf of the Church of England as a purified Church, which declined the name of schismatic' as a description as a Church desiring English freedom and Christian concord. Other establishments were to be urged to reform, and re-constitute themselves on a national and inclusive, on a sound historic basis. The unity and the peace of Christendom need not be broken, though it might be found impossible to keep terms with Rome. Rome might have to be put under restraint, or set aside. Since Clement's death, James had not hoped to make, in any direct way, an, agreement or truce with Rome; she would have to make her peace last-peace would be forced upon her. But if Casaubon was astonished to find what he found in the Church of England, James, finding what he found in Casaubon, was convinced the more, that principles he believed in, of eccle

siastical