Mr. DOYLE. It will be so marked. Mr. TAVENNER (reading): 1. Build and develop a rank-and-file force in Hoboken, within a period of 6 months, by making the broadest contact with longshoremen, concentrating on Italian and Portuguese. Then subdivisions under 1 are: (a) by March 30 make contact with 325 longshoreinen, (b) by March 1 begin a series of meetings with a particular longshoreman, (c) by May 1 call two meetings of as many men as possible. 2. Develop their influence by utilizing their information, criticism and experiences for rank-and-file action and for formulating down-to-earth agitation propaganda The subdivisions under 2 are as follows: (a) Based on pier and job actions, incidents, stories. (b) Discuss with longshoremen as to the uppermost issues. (c) To get them to help organize and distribute rank-and-file paper, literature, material. (d) Involve to a minimum rank and file in financing rank-and-file work. Goal of at least $10 by May 1. 3. Rank-and-file material: (a) Material to be in Italian and American language, wherever possible using Slav language. (b) Work issue of rank-and-file paper per month to be distributed in Hoboken and J. C. (c) Rank-and-file leaflets per month. (d) To begin by not later than January 30. 4. Our united-front approach to the rank and file. Under 4 is item (1): In the coming period the H. T. C. become an active force among the longshoremen and their wives, (2) during this immediate period we have constant contact with the Negro Labor Council activities and organization. Under that heading is: (a) One meeting a month with L. G., leadership by Jack, concentrator and his role. To establish contact with Italian longshoremen on a personal basis through racial, fraternal, political organizations. (b) Begin contact with this one longshoremen once a week on a social basis. (c) By February 15 should know what organization longshoremen belong to and which one is the most influential in deciding. (d) By March 15 should be able to decide which organization he should join, which immediately we find the way and means to become a member. (4) His main responsibility is to bring forward the peace issue based on individual or group discussions. Next subject deals with independent role of the party, which I will not take time to read into the record. The next section deals with control tasks for the party club, which I shall not read. But all of which, of course, will be a part of the exhibit retained in the committee files. I desire now to offer in evidence another document similarly introduced through Lieutenant Owens yesterday, and ask that it be marked "Nusser Exhibit No. 8." for identification purposes only, and to be made a part of the committee files. Mr. DOYLE. It is so ordered. Mr. TAVENNER. This is a report entitled, "Youth Report," and according to the testimony of Lieutenant Owens was found in the desk of Martha Stone, Communist Party organizer. I will read excerpts from this document on youth: What is happening to young Americans in the present period while the bourgeoisie of our Nation drives toward world war and fascism. And why are these things happening? How are young Americans fighting back? What role must the Labor Youth League play and what must the league's relations with the Communist Party be in the coming period? These are the questions I will attempt to answer in whole or in part by my report. In another place is found this sentence: The effects of the Korean war have, of course, been felt primarily by those who have been sent to fight the freedom-wanting people of Korea, namely, the youth. At another place in this statement: This vast militarization program has had already tremendous effects on all young people in the Nation. For them there is no security, not even bourgeois security; they cannot make plans for the future. Young Americans have not taken all this lying down. They have fought back directly and indirectly. The unpopularity of the war can easily be seen by the exceedingly low level of volunteering and the tremendous number of draft delinquents. At another place: What role can the Labor Youth League, the Marxist-Leninist organization of youth, play in bringing the young people of America to fight for peace and democracy? The historic first national convention of the LYL held this past Thanksgiving 1949 was the league's answer to the ruling class who want the youth to take the drive to war lying down. The mere participation of more youth in trade union activity can bring about a big change in the life of the trade union movement. This is the job of the Labor Youth League. This great force of the Labor Youth League can not be underestimated and the potentialities in every area must be recognized by all-and in that light must we examine the work of our party youth and the Labor Youth League in New Jersey. Here we have to start to pay attention to our young shop workers in the league, who, in the past have only done league community work, whose only reasponsibility in the shops was to attend union meetings like any other worker. We have to effect a plan of work with these people, especially those in right-led shops who have gotten no attention whatsoever up to this time in giving guidance in how they can involve young people in union activities. We have to change the existing situation in our party in New Jersey that recognizes the Labor Youth League as a community organization only, but that the Labor Youth League has got to turn its face to the shops, with the guidance of the Communist Party, the vanguard of the working class. It has been said before, that comrades should not be transferred out of the league but something else has to be understood, and that is: the important role young people can play in influencing the trade union. The party must have deep concern in seeing that the LYL reorganize the clubs which have been dissolved, strengthen the clubs now in existence to carry out campaigns for peace and democracy. Mr. Chairman, at this time I would like to call Mr. Lewis Moroze. Will you come forward, please, Mr. Moroze. Mr. DOYLE. While he is coming up may I say, Mr. Tavenner, I notice that this first exhibit that you read from is in typewriting and appears to be a carbon copy. Please stand, Mr. Moroze. Mr. MOROZE. I have a one-sentence motion in relation to the subpena which I would like to read at this time. Mr. DOYLE. You will be sworn so you will be before the committee. Mr. MOROZE. I feel impelled to make it now because it affects my status as a witness. I move to quash the subpena served upon me and returnable here on the ground that it does not state with particularity the scope, purpose, and subject matter of the proposed interrogation of myself. I so move. Mr. DOYLE. If you will raise your hand and be sworn-we will not entertain any motion until you are first sworn. Mr. MOROZE. I am advised that I should ask you to rule on the motion on the basis of due process of law because once I am sworn in I have lost legal rights. Mr. DOYLE. We are not a court and we have rules of the committee under which we shall proceed. Mr. MOROZE. I shall continue under protest. Mr. DOYLE. You may do that. Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mr. MOROZE. I do. Mr. DOYLE. The committee has heard your motion and, of course, it is denied. TESTIMONY OF LEWIS M. MOROZE, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, THEODORE SAGER METH Mr. TAVENNER. State your name, please, sir. Mr. MOROZE. Lewis M. Moroze. L-e-w-i-s M-o-r-o-z-e. Mr. TAVENNER. It is noted that you are accompanied by counsel. Will counsel please identify himself for the record? Mr. METH. Theodore Meth, M-e-t-h, Raymond Commerce Building, Newark, N. J. Mr. TAVENNER. When and where were you born, Mr. Moroze? Mr. MOROZE. I reside at 549 Belmont Avenue, Newark, N. J. Mr. TAVENNER. Will you tell the committee, please, what your educational training has been? Mr. MOROZE. I went to the elementary and high schools of Albany, N. Y., and I am a graduate of the New York State Teachers College in Albany, N. Y. Mr. TAVENNER. When did you move to this vicinity? Mr. MOROZE. Upon my release from the Army. Mr. TAVENNER. Approximately when was that? Mr. MOROZE. The end of 1946, October or November. Mr. TAVENNER. What is your occupation? Mr. MOROZE. I am a social worker by profession. Mr. TAVENNER. Will you tell the committee, please, what your employment has been since you came to this area in 1946? Mr. MOROZE. I was the director of activities of the Jewish Community Center of North Hudson in Union City, N. J. Mr.TAVENNER. Is that the only employment you have had? (The witness conferred with his counsel.) Mr. MOROZE. I am advised by counsel that this is probing in an area beyond the scope of this committee under the first amendment and I invoke my privilege not to be a witness against myself under the fifth amendment. Mr. SCHERER. Mr. Chairman, I ask that you direct the witness to answer the question relative to his employment. Mr. DOYLE. We believe it is within the scope of the investigation for a committee of Congress to know the nature of the employment of its citizens and where they have been employed for the purpose of identification. I instruct you to answer the question. Mr. MOROZE. Mr. Congressman, under normal times Mr. DOYLE. I have given you the instructions and do you still refuse to answer in spite of my instructions? Mr. MOROZE. I did not say I refuse to answer. I will answer the questions in my own way. Mr. DOYLE. We are not going to give you any opportunity to make speeches. That is a question which can be answered "yes" or "no." Mr. MOROZE. That is a question in my mind, according to my rights, that cannot be answered "yes" or "no," and if you feel impelled to answer my questions I suggest I be released from my subpena. Mr. DOYLE. We are not going to argue with you, Mr. Moroze, and you might as well understand it. We recognize your rights, but we are not going to let you make a public forum of this committee hearing even with your counsel here. Mr. SCHERER. Mr. Chairman, you have instructed the witness to answer; he has not answered. I suggest counsel proceed with the next question. Mr. MOROZE. I answered that question on the basis of the fifth amendment. I must not be a witness against myself. Mr. TAVENNER. Mr. Moroze, I hand you a photostatic copy of an article appearing in the Daily Worker issue of January 19, 1951, entitled, "Jersey Communist Party Headquarters Raided, Three Arrested," and I direct your attention to the second paragraph from the bottom in the middle column where your name appears. Will you examine it, please? Do you see the paragraph to which I have called your attention? Mr. MOROZE. Yes, I have seen it, sir. Mr. TAVENNER. Do you see your name appearing there? (The witness conferred with his counsel.) Mr. MOROZE. I see it in this report. Mr. TAVENNER. Is there a title given or office appearing after your name? (The witness conferred with his counsel.) Mr. MOROZE. There is a title there. Mr. TAVENNER. What is that title as appears from the document? (The witness conferred with his counsel.) Mr. MOROZE. Counsel advises me I am not bound by an item in a newspaper, and I therefore invoke my privilege under the first amendment of the Constitution, right of free speech, right of the people for redress of grievances, and under the fifth amendment, my right not to be a witness against myself. Mr. TAVENNER. You refuse to state what the article shows as the title appearing after your name? Mr. MOROZE. I answered the question as I saw fit. Mr. TAVENNER. Mr. Chairman, I desire to introduce the document in evidence and ask that it be marked "Moroze Exhibit No. 1," for identification purposes only, and to be made a part of the committee files. Mr. DOYLE. It is so ordered. Mr. MOROZE. I object to this committee introducing documents and marking them as evidence when they cannot properly be introduced and marked as such without proof and should only be marked, "for identification." Mr. DOYLE. It will be so received in accordance with request of legal counsel for the committee. Mr. TAVENNER. I am going to give you full opportunity, Mr. Witness, to state if there is any error whatever in this publication. The articles states, "Bail was posted by Lewis Moroze, New Jersey State secretary of the Civil Rights Congress." Were you the State secretary of the Civil Rights Congress for New Jersey on January 19, 1951 ? Mr. MOROZE. That question is probing in an area beyond the scope of this committee, violating my rights under the first amendment, it is also in violation of the rights of the people under the ninth amendment, which states that enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. I furthermore invoke my rights under the fifth amendment not to be a witness against myself. Mr. SCHERER. Mr. Chairman, I ask that you direct the witness to answer the question of counsel. Mr. DOYLE. I so instruct the witness. You raised objection to the authenticity or accuracy of that newspaper article and now you are getting a chance to state whether or not it is accurate after having had it read to you. You raised the subject matter. I instruct you to answer it. Mr. MOROZE. That is mere rephrasing of the original question and I invoke my rights as stated before. Mr. TAVENNER. The article further states that bail was posted by Lewis Moroze for Charles Nusser, Esther Engle, and Louis Malinow. Did you post bail for them? Mr. MOROZE. Since the purpose of that question is to undermine the rights of the people to defend themselves against a tyrannical government, I invoke my rights under the first amendment which calls for right of the people to petition the Government for redress of grievance. I invoke my right under the ninth amendment, tenth amendment, and fifth amendment not to be a witness against myself. Mr. SCHERER. Witness, we just want to find out about these bail funds for Communists. Mr. DOYLE. I suggest, Mr. Moroze, as long as you have a looseleaf notebook in front of you with all the typewritten statements of your objections and constitutional provisions, in order to save time, instead of reading those objections each time, you may stipulate that your objections may be considered the same as previously offered. Mr. MOROZE. I invoke my rights. I feel I have to at each step of the game. Mr. DOYLE. You can stay here as long as it takes to reread your typewritten objections, if that is what you want to take time to do. Mr. TAVENNER. Mr. Moroze, will you state whether or not you know the source of funds for bail purposes that were available to the Civil Rights Congress of New Jersey on January 18, 1951? Mr. MOROZE. I refuse to be a partner to this conspiracy to destroy the rights of the people to defend themselves against the tyrannical government under the first amendment, under the ninth amendment, and under the fifth amendment privilege and the provisions for due process of law. Mr. SCHERER. Witness, when you say defend themselves against the tyrannical government, you mean the Government of the United States, is that right? Mr. MOROZE. A government which commits a tyrannical act at any one time. Mr. SCHERER. You said tyrannical government. Are you referring to the Government of the United States as a tyrannical government? |