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provision an exception is made to the necessity for prior authorization of the Security Council for regional enforcement action in the case of measures against these enemy states pursuant to Article 107 of the Charter, or in regional arrangements directed against a renewal of aggressive policy by the same states, until the international Organization, on request of the governments concerned, is charged with preventing further aggression by such states. Article 107, which is dealt with in discussing "Transitional Security Arrangements" in Chapter XVII of this Report, sets forth the special and temporary responsibilities of the victorious powers for policing the enemy

states.

The amendment has the same objective as Article 107, since it seeks to insure that there shall be no relaxation in the measures of control against the possibility of a renewal of aggression by the enemy states in this war, pending the time when the Security Council of the United Nations is able effectively to assume that responsibility. Neighbors of Germany, especially, stressed that the future peace and security of the world must rest on the permanent destruction of German and Japanese militarism, and emphasized that there must be no lapse of control over the aggressors lest the tragic experience of the inter-war period be repeated in the future.

As a result of the provisions of Article 107, the Security Council will not be charged with the responsibility for the prevention of aggression by enemy states until the governments having responsibility for such action as a result of the present war decide to have this responsibility transferred to the Organization and the Organization decides to accept it. The United States Delegation agreed to the exemption of measures taken under these mutual assistance treaties from the general rule that no enforcement action should be taken under regional arrangements or by regional agencies without the authority of the Security Council, because this was in accord with United States policy toward the enemy states.

The phrase "governments concerned", as used in Article 53, includes both the parties to regional arrangements directed against renewal of aggressive policy on the part of the enemy states, and the governments, including the United States, which are responsible for such action as may be taken under Article 107 in relation to the

same states.

Regional Arrangements and Defense

The amendment which exempted the application of enforcement measures taken under the special mutual assistance treaties from the tontrol of the Security Council did not meet the issue presented by other proposed amendments designed to give greater autonomy to regional arrangements in enforcement action. This matter was one of direct concern to the United States and to the other American Republics. The problem was met by the adoption of an additional amendment of special significance to the inter-American system.

This amendment, which became Article 51 of the Charter, stipulates that the member governments have "the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security". Such measures, however, are to be reported immediately to the Security Council, and do not "in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security".

In thus recognizing the paramount authority of the world organization in enforcement action as well as the inherent right of selfdefense against armed attack pending the time when the Security Council undertakes such action, this Article, with the other relevant provisions of the Charter, makes possible a useful and effective integration of regional systems of cooperation with the world system of international security.

This applies with particular significance to the long-established inter-American system. Under the Monroe Doctrine the United States has long recognized that an effort by non-American powers to extend their colonial or political systems into the American Republics would be a threat to our own peace and security. The Declaration of Lima in 1938 recognized, and the Act of Habana in 1940 emphasized, that all the American Republics share our concern in the maintenance of this principle. That hemispheric policy of self-defense against nonAmerican powers was strengthened and extended by the Act of Chapultepec to a policy of collective defense by all the American Republics against aggression by any state, either from within or outside of the Western Hemisphere. Under the Act of Chapultepec the

American Republics declared that an attack upon one of them is an attack upon all. Under Part I of the Act this declaration of mutual assistance would be effective for the duration of the Second World

War only.

The American Republics at San Francisco were particularly solicitous that the Charter of the world organization should not prevent this concept of collective self-defense from being integrated by permanent treaty into the American hemispheric system as contemplated by Part II of the Act of Chapultepec. Article 51 of the Charter, above referred to, makes it clear that this can be done consistently with the Charter. Also the Secretary of State announced that it was, in fact, the intention of the United States Government to fulfill the hopes expressed in Part II of the Act. By public statement issued at San Francisco, he stated the intention of this Government to call a conference before the close of the year, to conclude, consistent with the provisions of the Charter, the permanent hemispheric treaty contemplated by Part II of the Act of Chapultepec.

In conclusion, it may be said that from the point of view of the national interest of the United States, the provisions on regional arrangements adopted at San Francisco insure the preservation of the inter-American system based on the Good Neighbor Policy as an integral and valuable element of an effective collective security system on a world-wide basis. It is believed that this has been accomplished without establishing a precedent which might engender rivalry between regional groups at the expense of world security.

INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL

COOPERATION

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL
(Chapters IX and X)

INTRODUCTION

The battle of peace has to be fought on two fronts. The first is the security front where victory spells freedom from fear. The second is the economic and social front where victory means freedom from want. Only victory on both fronts can assure the world of an enduring peace.

In the next twenty-five years the development of the economic and social foundations of peace will be of paramount importance. If the United Nations cooperate effectively toward an expanding world economy, better living conditions for all men and women, and closer understanding among peoples, they will have gone far toward eliminating in advance the causes of another world war a generation hence. If they fail, there will be instead widespread depressions and economic warfare which would fatally undermine the world organization. No provisions that can be written into the Charter will enable the Security Council to make the world secure from war if men and women have no security in their homes and in their jobs.

Effective economic and social cooperation is, furthermore, an urgent necessity for all nations which brooks no delay. The war is over in Europe, but the terrible destruction and the suffering, the wholesale uprooting of peoples and its social consequences, the disruption of production and trade resulting from the war-all these have still to be dealt with. In the Far East, the United Nations face the same task as rapidly as they drive the Japanese out of the occupied lands, and to final defeat.

The stake of the United States in the prompt and successful performance of this task is at least as great as that of any other nation. We cannot provide jobs for the millions now in our armed forces and maintain prosperity for ourselves unless the economy of the rest of the world is restored to health. Continuing poverty and despair

abroad can only lead to mass unemployment in our own country. From the long-range point of view we cannot hope to maintain our comparative wealth unless there is effective international cooperation in the development of trade and higher standards of living throughout the world.

It is equally evident that the promotion of respect for human rights and freedoms, and closer cooperation in fighting ignorance and disease and in the exchange among nations of scientific knowledge and of information about each other are as necessary to peace as an expanding world economy.

Modern communications have brought the peoples of the world into closer contact with each other, and have made mutual understanding not merely desirable but indispensable to the maintenance of good neighborliness. Unless the peoples of the world learn to comprehend that, in spite of diversities in attitudes and outlook, they are bound together by common interests and common aspirations, the peace of the world will rest on uncertain foundations.

Similarly the struggle against disease and pestilence is a matter of international concern. In the age of aviation disease travels faster than ever, and becomes a threat to the highly developed countries with their vast centers of communication even more than to remote and undeveloped regions of the world. Nor is it enough to fight dread epidemics. Preventive medicine, mental hygiene, improved standards of nutrition and better health in general are essential to the well-being of nations. They mean higher productivity, enlarged markets, and a general well-being which makes for peace.

Finally, no sure foundation of lasting peace and security can be laid which does not rest on the voluntary association of free peoples. Only so far as the rights and dignity of all men are respected and protected, only so far as men have free access to information, assurance of free speech and free assembly, freedom from discrimination on grounds of race, sex, language, or religion and other fundamental rights and freedoms, will men insist upon the right to live at peace, to compose such differences as they may have by peaceful methods, and to be guided by reason and goodwill rather than driven by prejudice and resentment. The United States, as a nation which takes pride in its free institutions, is particularly interested in the promo

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