covered that he held strictly to the lines drawn up by the Quai D'Orsay. Because of his excellent connections with the Austrian government and his social connections with the cosmopolitan part of the old nobles of the monarchy, he considered it impossible, until HITLER's entry in Salzburg, that the Austrian people in its overwhelming majority would approve of the "Anschluss". Even on the day before, M. PUAUX is supposed to have said as much to his government-just as Ambassador von MACKENSEN wired home from Rome that MUSSOLINI's position was stronger than ever when that very evening the Duce was taken captive by the F. M., the Duke of Abyssinia.

From this example one sees how difficult is it even for a clever diplomat with the best of connections to judge the interior situation of a country if he possesses no flair for the complexities of life.

Great Britain was represented in Vienna by Sir Walford SELBY. His palace was diagonally opposite mine. Sir Walford was versatile, amiable, and an impassioned sportsman. The Viennese would see him early in the morning, without a hat, returning from a long walk through the "Prater" or the "Wiener Wald". He loved to fish and hunt and rode a horse with enthusiasm, one which appeared to be his superior for they frequently parted company. During my career I have always esteemed diplomats who were born sportsmen and I have always got along excellently with them. For the most part they are frank, uncomplicated persons, and certainly Sir Walford SELBY was one of these. Could there be any better opportunity for a diplomat to come to a confidential talk with a colleague than during the hours of a delightful walk through the blooming meadows of Vienna or gathered around the fire of a hunting-lodge in the Austrian Alps, when the chamois, the result of a strenuous day, hangs before the camp door? In the hours of such mountain solitude one is accustomed to call the things one is talking about by their right name-the diplomat becomes human. And I have always discovered that in such an atmosphere men come closer together than at hundreds of cocktail parties or other such gatherings. Actually, Sir Walford was interested only superficially in the Austrian question which hardly touched British interests. But naturally he endeavored to inform his government exactly about developments. When I revealed my program to him, he told me that he had cabled it, word for word, to Downing Street. I promised him that I would inform him about everything with complete frankness. I kept my word, and he was always in a position to compare the opinions of the Austrian statesmen with

the actual situation. He was happy, in the end, to be sent to Lisbon as His Majesty's Ambassador. His successor, Sir E. PALAIRET, was a completely different and unfamiliar type of British diplomat. A very cultivated and well-read man with diverse interests, and a convinced Catholic, he made an excellent impression in the Viennese atmosphere. I have always been sorry that our work and neighborliness was of such short duration.

The Italian ambassador lived in the so-called "Palais Metternich" likewise not far from my house. Signor PRECIOSI was in the tradition of the old Italian diplomacy and was no "arriviste" of Fascism, as both of his successors were.

His position was laid down by MUSSOLINI's decision, when the latter, on the occasion of DOLLFUSS' murder, had two Army Corps mobilized at the "Brenner". This gesture meant to HITLER: "Halt! Hands off Austria! I desire no such extension of the Austrian question, which is so closely connected with the problems of the South Tyrol in the Italian Kingdom".

It was obvious that the slightest strengthening of opinion for "Anschluss" in the Reich would encourage the resistance of the loyal Germans in the South Tyrol against the pressure methods of Fascism. The Duce considered Signor PRECIOSI too soft to lead a more active Austrian policy against the Reich. He soon changed him for Signor SALATA. SALATA was not a careerdiplomat. He came from Trieste, was born there as an Austrian citizen, and therefore knew Vienna and Austria better than any other Italian. As leader of the "Irridenta" movement in Trieste he was called by the Fascists to Rome as a senator and was close to MUSSOLINI. His appointment to the post in Vienna was therefore at the same time a program for the future policy of the Duce, with which the Austrian government was in complete agreement.

At the very first glance one can see what obstacles opposed my policy, through the existence alone of the question of the South Tyrol.

Aside from the Great Powers, naturally I had a particular interest in the representatives of the Central European countries, especially of those states which succeeded the Dual Monarchy. In Hungary, which had been mutilated on all sides, as can easily be understood, any strengthening of the Reich was considered as a factor which would have to lead to a revision of Trianon. They had no objection to the "Anschluss" and considered that it would have a favorable effect for them against the oppressive methods

of the Czechs, Rumanians, and Serbs, and against Hungarian minorities, as well as a weakening of the "Little Entente".

Thus I always worked with the Hungarian representatives in the greatest harmony and friendship. My friend, RUDNAY, himself of a rather phlegmatic disposition, was accustomed to seek the bases for his reports at my office. The regent, Admiral von HORTHY, had been particularly kind to me for a long time. And I was able to discuss with him over and over again, with the greatest frankness, all delicate political questions. This will be discussed more fully later. I bitterly deplore the frightful destiny which has overtaken not only him, this "grand seigneur" and kind man, but all of Hungary as well, a country which has always had my fullest sympathy and affection.

The Czechs always hated the old Austria. They were suspicious of the tendencies of Austria, in so far as it was a question of the restoration of the Hapsburg or of the "Anschluss" with the Reich. The estates of the old Austro-Hungarian nobles, which were mostly in Bohemia and Moravia, were in large part expropriated. Any strengthening of the Reich or the return of Otto and the old ruling class which aimed at the restoration of the Danube Monarchy caused them to fear for their independence. Their envoys therefore had the mission to fight both these tendencies. Large funds of the Czech government were spent for press and propaganda. The last envoy, M. FIERLINGER, is today President BENES' first confidant, and acts as his envoy to Moscow.

Yugoslavia's part was a bit different. The bitter fights on the Corinthian border following Austria's collapse in 1918 had not been forgotten; then the Serbo-Croats had tried to advance as far as Lake Klagenfurt (Woerther See). (Tito has repeated this move in these days!) Croatia, itself, which had so long been a faithful member of the crown of Hapsburg, now fought under MACEK unceasingly against the Belgrade unification policy. Belgrade feared a strengthening of the Reich less than the return of the Hapsburgs. This was understandable. Under the skillful and conciliatory policy of our Belgrade diplomat (HASSEL), the relations with Berlin had become trusting. Thus I found a very understanding partner for my policy in Mr. NASTASJEWIC.

Rumania had hardly any immediate interests, unless it was a desire to avoid a return of the Hapsburg at all costs, since Rumania had inherited Transylvania. Rumania's representatives were kind, hospitable people, contact with whom was easy and pleasant.

Bulgaria was represented by King BORIS' aide-de-camp of

*

many years standing, Mr. DRAGANOFF. The policies of our two countries rarely clashed. Old allies, we commonly bore the burdens of the peace treaties, and hope for better times. Later I often met this attractive couple in Berlin. When the catastrophe of war was nearing its end in August 44, and I made my last return trip to Berlin via Sofia, ** had become foreign minister of the Bulgarian regency government. He boarded my special car, and we had a last common hour crossing his country. His king had died. His country swayed between the German alliance and the Russophile friendship. German armies everywhere had been beaten. I could give him no more hope. But he did not think that a government would sweep him away four weeks later and shoot him.

Polish diplomacy was superbly represented in Vienna by one of its younger, most skillful men. Jan GAWROWSKI was young, of charming bearing, a very active minister, who sought insight into the complex Austrian problem from all available sources. He had initiative; he was respected and popular everywhere. He was an excellent horseman, hunter, and sportsman himself; the rare, human qualities of his wife made his home a center of social life. I hope that the close friendship which I and my entire family have held for these two people, has on their side, too, outlasted the drama which tore us apart in 1939 and inflicted such heavy wounds on Poland. If GAWROWSKI could have been the responsible leader of his country's fate, a solution of the Corridor problem would certainly have been reached, and would have made the European war avoidable.

Turkey was represented by short Mr. CEVAD USTUN, who was very friendly towards us. For many years later he served in the difficult and important Bagdad post. He has always proven his attachment to me.

Mr. MESSERSCHMIDT was the US minister. He came from Berlin, where he had witnessed the Jewish pogroms, which were incomprehensible to an American, and which furthermore touched most strongly on his personal feelings. It could therefore not be expected of him, that he would give the development of the National-Socialist government any chance. He was refutation all along the line. I feared, probably with justification, that his reports to the State Department about the Austrian problem lacked that objectivity which a diplomat should always preserve, in spite of any hurt personal feelings. Switzerland and Sweden were well represented by Messrs. JAEGER and ANDEN, both diplomats of the old school. Belgium was represented only by a

Charge d'Affaires, whose interests were concentrated on cocktails. Holland's ambassador Mr. von HORN and his charming American wife contributed greatly to the social life of Vienna by exquisite musical soirees. It was a great satisfaction for me to be able to assist Mrs. von HORN, during the war from Baghdad and Istanbul, in succeeding to reach her home country. The "Souveraine Moltke Ritterorden" was also represented in Vienna. The Grand Master of the Orden Count CHIGHI had accredited the Count * * *. He and his always witty, mentally alert wife had become good friends of ours and have remained good friends.

This finishes the parade of the diplomats interesting us most. Except for the dean of the diplomatic corps, the papal nuncio SYBILLA. What I have said of Mr. MESSERSCHMIDT, applies in even stronger degree to this diplomat. From the first day I took office he met me with the greatest hostility, and never showed the least understanding of the precept "audiatur et altera pars". This is certainly surprising in a high prelate of our Catholic church, in a representative of the ministerial office. Probably I was for him the "Satan in Top Hat", that an American propagandist had labelled me. It was particularly painful for me, a firm Catholic, that he apparently did not think me serious in my great grief about Nazism's partly pagan ways, or sincere in my efforts to bring about a change in this particular field. The nuncio's hostile attitude could not fail to be reflected in the Austrian government, and in particular in the high Austrian clergy. I will return to this subject later.

Fortunately Msgr. SYBILLA was replaced after two years with the excellent Msgr. CICOGNANI, an understanding diplomat and a priest full of human goodness. After the "Anschluss", he represented the interests of the Holy See very successfully at the difficult Madrid post.

This short characterization of my Vienna colleagues and antagonists can best illuminate the extraordinary difficulties which my mission encountered.

The present lack of all sources and documentary reference material makes it impossible to give a historically correct plan of the happenings of the years which followed. I will therefore limit myself to a sketch of the conditions and development in general. I hope that I will be able later to supplement it with the aid of my own reports.

Austria's domestic politics were in a state of chaos when I took office, just after DOLLFUSS' assassination. The immediate consequence of the "Putsch" had been the confinement of all known