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into two major wars in Europe. You might-and I make this merely as a suggestion-repeal the Federal Reserve Act and restore to Congress the right to coin its own money, as contemplated by the Constitution.

I want to say to this group that the thing which has impressed me and which hurts me more than anything else is the concern which has always been manifested—and I suppose there will be people of the smear bund who will act upon this particular phase-to worry about the minority-the oppressed minority-of Europe.

I as an individual represent the oppressed majority of the United States of America, the sovereign people who for some time, sadly enough, have been in exile. In other words, we are the American Government in exile.

I should like to say also to you, with full knowledge of what this statement means, that it will not be well for you in the absence of these boys, who have been told that they were sent abroad to preserve the American way of life, to change it so materially in their absence. I want to say to you that if you do so, you not only in public office will be repudiated, but the act itself will be repudiated, and perhaps with disastrous results.

What you should do, and what you ought to do, in fairness to the men who have gone to so many places and who have suffered such terrible hardships-those who will come back—and some will come back, thank God-is to restore to its pristine freshness the temple of our American Republic.

I warn you that you had best to do it before you hear the sound of the returning feet. It is far later than you think.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. We are glad to have your testimony.

Come around, Mr. Jennings.


The CHAIRMAN. Please give your name and residence and state whom you represent.

Mr. JENNINGS. My name is E. P. Jennings. My address is 510 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street, New York City. I am a printer, and I represent E. P. Jennings, a citizen of the United States.

The CHAIRMAN. That is good. Go ahead.

Mr. JENNINGS. I have a paper published today which speaks of the opposition to the Charter: "Opposition to Charter fizzles as small-fry isolationists testify."

In view of that I should like to make myself clear in this matter. I may be one of the small fry, but I am not one of the isolationists. I should like to read this little poem or prayer that I wrote back in August 1944. You will remember the conditions that existed at that time.

Almighty God, as surely as we fight for right
Protect our boys in battle with Thy strength and might.
Let's win the peace forever, now and evermore
Lead us to victory-to quickly win the war.
Give us, good Lord, a peace on earth to end all strife
Let us live and let livefor all a better life.
Help us make this world a nation democratic
Of, by, and for the people--not so autocratic.

Destroy the greed for power—the hate that bleeds man's heart,
Destroy the Nazi monsters who've torn the world apart,
The "über alles” minded-ego arrogant,
Makers of great massacres--murderers extant.
Plunderers of nations—ensla vers of mankind.
May our current history soon write them down behind.
Good God, make all people kindly-social minded, too.
Teach us to think of others and give them their just due.
The intelligently selfish even know it is their gain
To cooperate with others—not to aggravate their pain.
Let mankind pull together for a better world for all.

Let our governmental agencies rise to meet this call. I should like to say that there are some things about this Charter, so-called, that appear to me to be entirely away from the object that the world seems to be driving for. I think that it is pretty well understood among the people of our country what we want. But there is another question involved here, and that is, Are we going to get it through this Charter? I want to tell you, gentlemen, that the people are not going to get the thing they are looking for, because there is no implementation in the Charter that has been put through-Bretton Woods and San Franciscc—for the accomplishment of the liberties or the freedoms of the Atlantic Charter. There is nothing there whatever in the way of service to the nat ons.

They have talked about a policeman's club, and they have tried to put a uniform-a policeman's masquerade uniform, if you please on the corpse of the old League of Nations. Now, the old League of Nations was a failure. I was not an isolationist in 1920 or in 1917 or 1918; I was for a world government. I was very enthusiastically for it. I have been for it for 50 years. But I said that the League of Nations would never do what they wanted it to do, because it did not have the proper organization. In the first place, it is not democratic. Any organization that is appointed in that way and is established through diplomats is as far from the people as it is possible to devise a form of government.

This government should be elected by the people, and I have here a plan for a world government that I shall be glad to have you look over while I am talking. I have several copies; they are galley proofs. They are copies of this chart [exhibiting a chart).

The CHAIRMAN. That cannot be printed in the hearings because of its form.

Mr. JENNINGS. I see. But that will give you an idea of what I have in mind. If you are going to implement this peace, you have got to do just what Mr. Truman-President Truman—said.

The CHAIRMAN. President Truman asked us to ratify this Charter just as it is.

Mr. JENNINGS. Now, he said something else sometime ago, too, and that is the thing I am referring to. He was asked what he thought of the Charter, and he said it needed service-in other words, service to the nations. That is the thing this does not give, but it is the thing it has got to give if it is going to accomplish peace, because

is not going to be obtained with a policeman's club, a club that is going to hit somebody over the head or crack some nation's skull in. That is not the kind of peace we want or the way to get it. The way to get peace is to make up a charter that will find out what the nations desire, what kind of service they need, and provide the means to give them that service.


Now, this Bretton Woods proposition is, I think, dead wrong:

The CHAIRMAN. That is not before us. You may discuss it if you want to, but it is not before us.

Mr. JENNINGS. It is a part of the proceedings. It is a part of this San Francisco Charter.

The CHAIRMAN. No; it has nothing to do with the Charter at all.

Mr. JENNINGS. Well, I hope it does not ever have anything to do with it.

The CHAIRMAN. It is an independent measure.
Mr JENNINGS. It is all wrong because it is

The CHAIRMAN. You can speak about it if you want to, but you will reduce the time in which you may discuss the Charter. If you desire to discuss the Charter, you will have to do it in the time allotted to you

Mr. JENNINGS. Well, I tell you, gentlemen, that this is a serious proposition. I have two boys-two grandsons—in the Army. One is now over in Austria ; the other is in the Philippines. I am thinking for them; I am not thinking for myself. And there is none of you men who need think very much for yourselves, because none of us has a great way to go in this world, and we cannot take it with us. So we might be thinking a little for the boys who are over on the other side, doing the battling now, and for their children and the children to come afterward. They are the ones I am concerned about here.

I should like to see a peace that will guarantee the world that there will be no such wars as we are now having and have had in the past. That can only be accomplished by implementation of a government that will give the kind of service that these nations need in order to build up and reconstruct their countries, and for the implementation of full employment.

Now, they talk about $3,000,000,000 in this Bretton Woods proposition. I am getting back to that again. But we have a debt of about $100,000,000,000 for war. It will take more than $800,000,000,000 to put this peace proposition over, because you are not going to do it for a measly little $8,000,000,000 when the war cost this Nation alone $400,000 000.000.' We have got to have a banking system in this new United Nations government that will be a real banking system, that will be backed by the nations of the world, and that will have a lending capacity of at least $800,000,000,000 to take care of the reconstruction programs of the nations of the world.

When we begin to think about this thing in a sensible way, we will stop this haggling and stop trying to shut people out and pushing people around; we will get together and will find a way of doing this job right.

NW I think I have told my story.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much.

Mr. JENNINGS. I should like very much to have an opportunity to take some part in this proposition, because I have been giving it a good deal of thought, and I know what needs to be done.

The CHAIRMAN. We have tried to give you that opportunity in the presentation of your testimony. That is all we can do. You cannot speak in the Senate.

Mr. JENNINGS. Yes; you can do a whole lot more than that. You can do a whole lot more than that.

The CHAIRMAN. All right. We are glad to have your testimony. Are there any question by any Senators?

Mr. JENNINGS. I shall be glad to answer any questions. I think there ought to be some.

The CHAIRMAN. I am sorry, but we cannot generate questions if they are not in existence.

Mr. JENNINGS. Could you not think of one?

The CHAIRMAN. No. I have heard your testimony and have been very much interested in it. We are glad to have heard you.

Nr. JENNINGS. It would take a book to write this story. I have a great number of sections of this plan written out, but I do not have the funds to go out and have a book published." But you fellows, who have the faculty of digging down into our pay envelopes every week and pulling out of 50,000,000 pay envelopes in the United States anywhere from 22 to 30 percent of the take-home pay, really have a way of getting the money.

The CHAIRMAN. Very well. We thank you very much and are glad to have heard your testimony.

There are no other witnesses who seem to be available this afternoon, either for or against.

Is Mrs. Van Hyning present? I want to give her a chance. This is the third call I have made for her.

Mrs. WATERS. Will you call her in the morning, please? I think she will be here tomorrow.

The CHAIRMAN. She was supposed to be here yesterday and again today, but she has not appeared.

Mr. Noel Gaines has not shown up. He wanted anywhere from 1 to 3 days to testify. He said it would take him that long to testify.

Mr. JENNINGS. It took you fellows a long time to get this thing across.

The CHAIRMAN. We gave you your opportunity, and you made your statement.

Mr. JENNINGS. I had to spend my own money to come down.

The CHAIRMAN. We are glad to have you here and glad you had the money to spend.

Mr. JENNINGS. I wish I had it.

The CHAIRMAN. Is there present a representative of the American Council of Christian Churches!

(There was no response.)

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will stand adjourned until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning.

(At 4:45 p. m. an adjournment was taken until Friday, July 13, 1945, at 10 a. m.)


FRIDAY, JULY 13, 1945


Washington, D. C. The committee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 a. m. on Friday, July 13, 1945, in the caucus room, Senate Office Building, Senator Tom Connally, chairman.

Appearances: Senators Connally (chairman), George, Wagner, Thomas of Utah, Murray, Green, Barkley, Guffey, Tunnell, Hatch, Hill, Lucas, Johnson of California, Capper, La Follette, Vandenberg, White, Austin, and Wiley.

Also present: Numerous other Senators, not members of the committee.

The CHAIRMAN. Let the committee come to order, please.

At this point I desire to insert into the record the statement of Philip Murray, president of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, in support of the Charter of the United Nations adopted at San Francisco.


ORGANIZATIONS, WASHINGTON, D. C. The CIO wholeheartedly supports the San Francisco Charter of the United Nations.

It is fortunate that we have the opportunity to pass upon this Charter while we are engaged in the bloody struggle against Japanese militarism. Under these circumstances the burning desire of the American people to secure a lasting peace will not permit a repetition of our experience following the last World War. Reservations or limitations of any description to th United Nations Charter must be understood as simply an attempt to defeat its enactment. To this there can be but one answer: the early and overwhelming approval of the Charter by the Senate of the United States.

The United Nations created the basis for certain military victory through their determined unity.

The enduring peace--for which the people of the world now yearn—will not be realized unless such unity continues, based upon the military power and political solidarity of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union, not merely in words or expressions of pious hopes, but in concrete action.

This must be the watchword in the administration of the United Nations Charter. Unanimity and mutual trust among the Great Powers will be the foundation upon which the world can proceed to solve the problems which now confront us.

The Charter repeatedly emphasizes that for the creation of peaceful and friendly relations among nations attention must be given to the promotion of higher standards of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development. The Economic and Social Council, established by the Charter, is charged with the responsibility of taking necessary steps to accomplish these purposes. With these objectives the CIO is in complete sympathy.

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